현대 오키나와에서의 "혁신"의 의미와 특징

이지원 ( Chi Won Lee ) 현대일본학회 2006 日本硏究論叢 Vol.23 No.-

현대일본의 교육개혁: "유토리교육"의 논리와 동요

이지원 ( Chi Won Lee ) 현대일본학회 2004 日本硏究論叢 Vol.20 No.-

오키나와의 아이덴티티 문제와 자문화인식

이지원 ( Chi Won Lee ) 한국사회사학회 2008 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.78

이 글에서는, 세계체제의 중심국가들 사이에서 수차례나‘귀속변경’을 겪어온 오키나와인들의 아이덴티티 혼란과 고투의 양상을 추체험(追體驗)하면서, 오키나와 어를 비롯한 자문화를 어떻게 인식하고 어떠한 태도를 취했는지를 중심으로 아이덴티티의 반전(反轉)을 거듭한 기제를 해명하고자 한다. 시기적으로는 근대 일본으로의 병합(‘류큐처분’1879) 이후 현대 일본으로의 재편입(‘조국복귀’1972) 전후까지를 대상으로 하되, 2차대전 이전의 동화를 배경으로 전후에도 ‘공통어(일본어)장려’를 강조했던‘국민교육운동’을 주된 연구소재로 삼는다. 이는 현재의 아이덴티티 문제를 이해하기 위한 역사적 전제를 이룬다. 끝으로,‘복귀’이후의 자문화인식의 변화 및 앞으로의 오키나와 아이덴티티 밎 문화와 관련된 논점에 대해 언급한다. Okinawans have undergone numerous subjugations to the core nations of the word system, and thereby long suffered major identity crises and struggled to create their own identity. This paper reconstructs the process of their identity formation, and attempts to account for the mechanism of identity transformation, focusing on their own recognition of the Okinawan culture, especially the Okinawan language. This paper covers the period from the annexation into modern Japan (1897) to the reversion to contemporary Japan (1972), and deals with “the kokumin (nationals) education movement” that encouraged the general use of the Japanese language. It also adds a few points regarding the present-day change of self-understanding and the future Okinawan identity and culture.

1970년대 미노베 혁신도정 쇠퇴의 한 원인

이지원 ( Chi Won Lee ) 한국사회사학회 2014 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.101

1970년대 일본 혁신자치체의 상징이었던 미노베 도쿄혁신도정이 패퇴하게 된 원인의 하나로 흔히 오일쇼크 이후의 저성장과 지자체의 경영능력 부족으로 인한 재정난이 지적된다. 이러한 지적은 타당하다. 그러나 본 연구에서는 이러한 지적에서 더 나아가, 미노베 도쿄혁신도정의 쇠퇴는 순전히 재정적, 경영적인 것이라기보다는 < 보수-혁신 > 대립이라는 정치적 구도에 의해 ‘과잉규정’된 것임을 지적하고자 한다. < 보수-혁신 >의 정치적 대립관계 자체는 혁신도정의 전개에 이중적 영향을 미쳤다. 도쿄혁신도정의 출범 및 전반기(1967-1972)에는 그 영향력이 지방정치 차원에 머물지 않을 것이라는 보수의 위기감을 자극함으로써 자민당의 태도를 변화시켰고, 중앙정부 차원의 복지, 공해정책 등의 진전을 촉진하는 매개적 역할을 수행했다. 대신 보수 측은 저성장 이전부터 혁신도정에 대해 불공정한 재정배분과 ‘반공’언설을 통해 반격을 가했으며, 1차 오일쇼크(1973년 10월) 이후로 경제사정이 변화하자 이를 활용하여 혁신도정의 후반기(1974~1979)에는 혁신자치체의 취약점이나실책을 집중적으로 비판하면서 이미지를 실추시켰다. 보수 측의 이러한 공격은 ‘재정압박’과 ‘낙인찍기’의 양면전략으로 요약될 수 있을 것이며, 이는 저성장 및 경영능력 부족만으로는 환원되지 않는 추가적인 요인이다. 즉, < 보수-혁신 >의 정치적 대립구도는 미노베 혁신도정이 자체의 역량 이상의 성과를 거두는 지렛대가 되기도 한 반면, 자신의 책임 이상으로 비난받는 멍에가 되기도 하였다. 이런 현상은 정치적 성격이 다른 중앙정부와 지역자치체 간에 긴장관계가 형성될 경우 시대와 사회를 달리 하여서도 유사하게 재발할 수 있다. 지역의 자치체 운영은 정치적 대결논리에 의해 좌우되지 않고 자율적이고 공정하게 이루어질 수 있는 환경이 요구된다. Minobe Ryokichi’s progressive mayorship in Tokyo was the symbol of Japan’s progressive local government at its height in the 1970s. Many attribute the demise of Minobe government to the slow economic growth in the wake of the Oil Crisis and fiscal crisis caused by the poor management of the local government. This paper, however, argues that its demise was “over determined” by the political confrontation between the conservative and the progress forces, rather than the economic and management failures (or problems). The political confrontation had double-edged impacts on the progressive local government. During the first half period of the progressive Tokyo government (1967 . 1972), the conservatives’ realization and fear that the influence of the progressive government might not stop at the decentralized level triggered the Liberal Democratic Party to change their national policies on welfare and environment. At the same time, the conservatives attacked the Minobe government, using anti-communist rhetoric and executing unfair resource distribution against the Tokyo government by the central government even during the pre oil crisis period. With the oil crisis aggravating economic performance, they escalated their attack on the ground of mismanagement of local government, seriously damaging public image of the government. The conservatives employed two-pronged tactics of fiscal pressure and ‘labeling’ - the slow growth and poor management alone cannot explain the demise of the Minobe government. The political confrontation between the conservative and the progressive was a driving force for the Minobe administration to produce some of unexpected positive outcomes, but it became a liability attracting more blames than it deserved. The similar pattern would recur whenever and wherever there is a tension between central and local governments, which do not share political orientations. How to ensure management of local government in autonomous and fair manner, instead of being overly swayed by the logic of political confrontation, remains a challenge.

「シビル·ミニマム」槪念の再檢討 -「物量獲得」から「市民自治」へ-

이지원 ( Chi Won Lee ) 한국일어일문학회 2013 日語日文學硏究 Vol.87 No.2

「シビル·ミニマム」は、1960-70年代日本の革新自治體の時代を象徵する最大のキ-ワ-ドであった。この槪念は普通、「近代都市において一定の水準の市民生活を維持するため備えるべき最低基準」として說明される。しかし、70年代半ばから急速に影響力が弱まり、その後、ほぼ死語のようになってしまう。その原因としてはよく高度經濟成長の終焉と自治體の財政危機が指摘されるが、ここでは、槪念とその理解を中心に當時の議論を再檢討した。「シビル·ミニマム」という槪念が發生した社會的背景と形成過程を調べた結果、槪念の强調点の變化があったことが確認できた。すなわち、初めは歐米の國-にくらべ「ナショナル·ミニマム」が脆弱な日本の特殊狀況への對應策として登場したが、70年代に入っては近代化が進んだ社會に普遍的な基本的人權として、また自治體の政策公準として位置された。そしてオイル·ショックと財政危機以降になると、市民參加と自治との結合の必要性がもっとも强く强調されるようになった。また、本來の發想とは距離のある樣-な理解の仕方-たとえば、左派的觀点や住民のエゴイズムによる歪んだ理解など-により誤解と批判を招くことにもなったが、なによりも「シビル·ミニマム」を「物取り」の對象ではなく「市民自治による市民福祉」の道具として受け取ることにより、混亂を避けることができるはずである。格差擴大と福祉の後退が進んでいる現在、「シビル·ミニマム」という槪念の核心をより正確に理解し、その意義を現代の條件の中で活かす必要があるだろう。 This paper aims to reexamine the concept of “Civil Minimum” (CM) which was one of the most important key words describing “the progressive Local Government” in 1960-70s Japan. By definition, this concept refers to "urban citizens’ basic living standards” in brief. However, this concept has lost its influence since the late 1970s. It is said that this is due to the decline of the rapid economic growth and the financial crisis of the local governments. A historical investigation on the emergence and unfolding of the concept leads us to conclude as follows. 1) In 1960s, the original concept of CM was the response to the specific Japanese situation caused by the weakness of “national minimum” compared to European welfare states. 2) In the early 1970s, the focus of the concept has moved to the request for the policy standard of local governments and the basic civil rights. 3) After the oil crisis in 1973, “participation of citizens and civic autonomy” were emphasized as the necessary elements of CM. 4) There were diverse appropriations such as a leftist way of CM and the distortion of CM by the residents`` egoism. And they caused a number of misunderstandings and criticism about CM and finally resulted in the waning of the concept. In recent days, as we watch the polarization of society and the weakening of the social safety net, it is necessary to have a pertinent sight of the civil minimum and to revive the spirit of civil minimum in the contemporary condition.

일반논문 : 인터넷 확산 시기의 한일 온라인 커뮤니케이션과 선순환적 교류의 조건

이지원 ( Chi Won Lee ) 한림대학교 일본학연구소 2012 翰林日本學 Vol.0 No.21

This paper aims to examine the communication phenomena between Japan and Korea during the expansion of the internet and to explorer conditions of virtuous cultural exchange. From the late 1990s to the early 2000s, the rapid penetration of the information highway enhanced the cultural exchange at the level of citizens. Cyberspace opens a new field of conversation and gives an opportunity of cross-border communication without physical constraint. However, the extended opportunity does not automatically guarantee a mutual understanding and a more rational communication. We observe uncountable cases of online flaming and conflict due to extreme chauvinism. For example, the definitive closure of HANworld is a symbol of a demolition of communication by the net right. A case of online forum on the film "Shiri" is a counter example that avoids a nationalistic clash and finally finds a harmonious way of cultural exchange. To explain this successful experience, we can count on the making of intimate relations as we see in online communities, the existence of key persons who have know-how on the conciliation of conflict online, and the characteristic of the site dealing with popular culture. In conclusion, to ameliorate the condition of cross-border cultural exchange, we propose some measures to the intrusion and the cyber attack of intentional net right in the site. In the broader context, it is necessary to introduce digital literacy and multi-culturalism in education programs. To make a deliberative communication situation between two countries which have adversary historical background, we should try to attenuate the group polarization tendency observed in online for a by being disclosed to the different perspectives concerning critical issues.

한일 문화교류와"반일"논리의 변화: "왜색문화"비판 언설의 궤적

이지원 ( Chi Won Lee ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2015 한국과 국제정치 Vol.31 No.1

1965년 국교정상화에도 불구하고 한일 양국간 문화교류에는 수십 년간 제약이 존재했으며,한국에서 일본문화는‘왜색문화’라는 이름으로 금지되었다. 이 글에서는 그 역사적 배경과 함께, 해방 이후 현재까지의 왜색문화 비판 언설의 시대별 전개양상 및 특징과 변화를 신문기사를 중심으로 정리하였다. 조선시대 이래 한국에서는 유교문명에 기반을 둔 자문화중심주의적 관점에서 일본문화를 야만시하여, ‘왜’로 호칭하며 폄하하였다. 역으로 19세기 말 이후에는 근대화에서 앞선일본이 서구문명을 기준으로 조선과 중국을 야만시하는‘문명 대 야만’구도가 전개되었다. 해방 이후 한국에서는 왜색문화 비판의 형태로 일제잔재 청산과 함께 일본문화 유입이 금지되었다. 국교정상화를 전후로 일본과의 정치\경제 교류는 활성화되었으나, 문화 면에서의‘반일=왜색문화’비판은 더욱 정형화되고강화되었다. 왜색문화 비판 언설의 특징은‘일본적인 특성,’‘일본에서 유래한 것’전반을‘왜색’으로 규정하고, 이를 정부, 언론, 대중적 차원에서 직접화법으로‘공식적’으로 사용하며 배제의 대상임을 당연시하는 것이다. 그러나 이러한 경향은 1990년대 이후의 대내외적 변화와 함께 문화상대주의적 관점이 확산되면서 양적\질적으로 변화한다. 왜색 용어의 사용빈도는 현저히 줄어들었고, 당연시되던 비난을 억제하거나 오히려 단정적 비난을 해체하는 문제 제기가 이루어진다. 그럼에도 불구하고 한일 양국에는 여전히 반일/혐한현상이 존재하는데, 이에 대한 새로운 각도에서의 접근이 필요할 것이다. In spite of the normalization of Korea-Japan diplomatic relations in 1965, there existed restrictions on bilateral cultural interaction for decades as Korea imposed ban on Japanese life style and cultural products labeled as ‘waesaek munhwa’. This article summarizes historical background, patterns, characteristics, and changes of critical discourse against waesaek munhwa since the 1945 independence, by chronicling media reports. Since the Chosun dynasty, the Confucian orthodoxism reinforced ethnocentric attitude towards Japanese culture, looking down upon Japan as ‘wae’. But Japan, who became the frontrunner of the modernization, began to define itself as ‘civilized’ opposed to Korea and China as ‘barbarian’. With the independence in 1945, Korea banned import of Japanese cultures, as a part of efforts for de- Japanization(or de-colonization). The diplomatic normalization in 1965 facilitated the political and economic relations between two countries. In the cultural arena, however, the anti-Japanese critique of waesaek munhwa was only to get stronger and entrenched deeper. Anything related to Japaneseness or Japanese origin is labeled as waesaek by government, media, and citizens. As the economic development, democratization, globalization and ICT(Information & Communication Technology) have led Korean people to take cultural relativist perspective. So the above situation has begun to change since 1990s. The term waesaek munhwa is now used with much less frequencies and there has emerged new perspective trying to deconstruct or put a limit to the predominant norm of waesaek munhwa critics. Nevertheless, there emerge new phenomena of ‘hate Korea’ and ‘hate Japan’ discourse and behavior, which requires further research.

일반논문 : 오키나와 자립론의 한 사례: 류큐공화사회헌법C사(시)안을 중심으로

이지원 ( Chi Won Lee ) 한림대학교 일본학연구소 2015 翰林日本學 Vol.0 No.27

오키나와는 19세기 말 이후 일본제국, 미국 및 현대 일본 하에서 ‘식민지적 상황’에 놓여왔다. 이를 극복하려는 시도로 다양한 자립론이 분출되어 왔다. 가와미츠 신이치의 ‘류큐공화사회 헌법C사(시)안’(이하 헌법사안으로 약칭)은 그 중에서도 독특한 사례이다. 대부분의 자립론은 국가로서의 독립을 추구하거나, 일본 내에서 자치의 폭을 확대하는 것을 추구한다. 그러나 헌법사안은 국가를 철저히 부정하고 공화사회를 지향한다. 전쟁과 군대 보유에 반대하며, 침략을 당할 경우에도 방어적 무력조차 행사하지 않는 절대평화주의를 추구한다. 이러한 헌법사안의 내용은 너무 이상적이어서 현실성이 결여된 발상으로 비치기도 한다. 이 글에서는 이러한 유토피아적 헌법사안의 출현 배경과 현실성 및 현재적 의의에 대해 검토하였다. 헌법사안의 국가 부정 및 절대평화주의는 매우 공상적이나, 수백년 이상 지속된 오키나와의 ‘비무장’의 전통 및 강대국 사이에 위치한 지정학적 현실이라는 면에서 실은 적지 않은 현실성을 지닌다. 또한 일본의 헌법개정국면에서 ‘호헌론’을 넘어서는 ‘창헌론’의 구체적 사례를 보여준다는 점에서 현재적 의의를 지닌다. 이러한 발상은 ‘쿠로시오 로드 평화헌법’ 구상 및 아시아공동체 구상으로 확장되면서, 해양세력 및 대륙세력의 긴장 및 갈등 속에 위치한 한반도에도 시사하는 바가 크다. Okinawa has been subject to “colonial dominance" of imperialist Japan, the United States, and modern Japan since the late 19th century, and accordingly, there have been attempts to overcome this situation in various forms of theories of self-reliance. Among such efforts is the “Draft C of the Constitution of Ryukyu Republican Community" (hereafter referred to as “Draft C") written by Kawamitsu Shinichi. Most theories of self-reliance pursue independence as a nation state or greater autonomy within Japan. "Draft C," however, is a peculiar case in that it completely rejects the idea of a nation; instead, it seeks to build a republican community. It also pursues absolute pacifism that is opposed to war and the use of military force even in self-defense. Many have found these ideas posited”Draft C" too ideal and utopian and thus criticized them for being unpractical. This essay examines the background of this draft of constitution and speculates on its significance in our present age. Although the rejection of a nation and absolute pacifism in this draft may sound too unrealistic, these ideas actually have some solid foundation considering the tradition of "demilitarization" in Okinawa that has been continuing for hundreds of years as well as its geographical location among powerful nations. "Draft C" also holds great significance in our present age as it serves as aspecific example of a case of “new framing of a constitution” that goes beyond “protection of the constitution” in terms of constitutional amendments in Japan. And this idea was developed into “the Kuroshio road demilitarized zone” and “the East Asian Community” Initiative, and then it also provides significant implications for the situation of the Korean peninsula in the middle of conflicts between Superpowers.

고유수용성 감각 운동 프로그램이 편마비 환자의 운동기능 및 일상생활동작에 미치는 영향

김동현 ( Dong Hyun Kim ),이지원 ( Ji Won Lee ),이준성 ( June Sung Lee ),하치심 ( Chi Sim Ha ),오태영(책임저자) ( Tea Young Oh ) 대한신경치료학회 2012 신경치료 Vol.16 No.1

Purpose The purpose of this study was to determine effects of proprioceptive exercise for proprioceptive sense and motor function, ADL in hemiplegia. Methods Six person with hemiplegia was participated this study, they carried out proprioceptive exercise for 30 minites of one day three times per one weeks for six weeks. In order to compare between pre and post of proprioceptive exercise, we evaluated PAR (Passive Angle Represent) for sensitization of proprioception, FIM(Functional Independence Measure) for ADL, SIAS(Stroke Impairment Assessment Scale) for motor function. Data was analyzed using by paired t-test between pre and post of proprioceptive exercise and ANOVA among value of pre, after 3 weeks, 6weeks. Results The average value of PAR and FIM was increased, but there was not significantly difference. The motor function and total score of SIAS show significantly difference between pre and post of proprioceptive exercise. There was no significantly value of ANOV A among pre and after 3, 6 weeks. Conclusion Proprioceptive exercise can enhance the motor function and effect on PAR, FIM in hemiplegia.

재유화형 분말수지 출입 폴리머 시멘트 모르타르의 건조수축 및 강도특성

연규석,주명기,이현종,김성기,이지원,Yeon, Kyu-Seok,Joo, Myung-Ki,Lee, Hyun-Jong,Jin, Xing-Qi,Lee, Chi-Won 한국농공학회 2006 한국농공학회논문집 Vol.48 No.1

This study was conducted to investigate experimentally the drying shrinkage and the strength properties of redispersible SBR and PAE powder-modified mortars. Polymer-cement ratio, content of shrinkage-reducing agent and antifoamer content were manipulated as the experimental variables. The peculiarity of this study is to obtain a high early-age strength by using the portland cement and alumina cement with the ratio of 8 : 2. Until 7 days of age, the drying shrinkage remarkably increased up to $1\~2\times10^{-4}$, while it tended to decrease as the ratio of polymer to cement ratio and the content of shrinkage-reducing agent increased. Polymer-cement ratio was effective in improving the flexural, tensile and adhesive strengths: As the ratio increased, the strengths correspondingly increased. The flexural strength was in the range of $7\~11$ MPa, the tensile strength was $3.5\~5$ MPa and the adhesive strength was $1.2\~3.9$ MPa. On the other hand, the compressive strength tended to decrease as the polymer-cement ratio increased, and it was in the range of $23\~39$ MPa. All strengths, flexural, tensile, adhesive and compressive strengths, decreased as the content of powder shrinkage-reducing agent increased. It turned out that the polymer-cement ratio influenced more on the behavior of drying shrinkage and the properties of strength than the powder shrinkage-reducing agent did.