인문학으로서의 미술사학

이주형(Juhyung Rhi),최성은 한국미술사학회 2010 美術史學硏究 Vol.268 No.268

사르나트 출토 4사자 주두의 네 가지 동물과 그 역사적 전개

이주형(Juhyung Rhi) 한국인도학회 2000 印度硏究 Vol.5 No.-

간다라 기년명 불상의 편년적 위치

이주형 ( Rhi Juhyung ) 중앙아시아학회 2018 中央아시아硏究 Vol.23 No.1

In tackling the bewildering complexity surrounding the chronology of Gandharan Buddhist imagery, we are naturally tempted to start with dated images. This paper is an attempt to explore the chronological places of four dated Buddha images from Gandhara. It attempts to examine the problem in relation to five major visual types I have identified among Gandharan Buddhas in my previous research. In particular, I am interested in positioning the dated images in conjunction with the five groups and discussing the ramifications of their placement for drawing a large chronological picture of Gandharan Buddhist imagery. Through the examination of the four dated Buddhas and their inscriptions, each image can be dated in the following way: (1) a stele representing the Indrasailaguha (year 89) from Mamane Dheri to 216 CE; (2) a standing Buddha from Loriyan Tangai (year 318) to 143 CE; (3) a standing Buddha from Hashtnagar (year 384) to 209 CE; (4) a triad in the collection of the Japanese Buddhist sect Agonshu (year 5) to 132 or 232 CE. Another standing Buddha in the Hirayama Ikuo Silk Road Museum, though not inscribed with a date, may be datable to the first century CE for its apparent link to the capital of the Apraca dynasty, which ruled the Bajaur area during the period. These five images also seem to be related to particular regional bases in each period. Thus assigned in temporal and spatial planes, they could be used as significant referential points in further explorations in the chronological development of Gandharan Buddhist images.

불교미술에서 보는 붓다관(觀)

이주형(Juhyung Rhi) 중앙승가대학교 불교학연구원 2009 불교와 사회 Vol.1 No.-

이 논문은 불교조형물에 드러난 붓다에 대한 생각을 살펴본다. 구체적인 방법상으로는 불교조형물의 표현 양태와 기능에서 몇 가지 양상에 주목하여 그와 관련지을 수 있는 붓다관을 논의한다. 그 과정에서 우리가 경론을 통해 아는 붓다관이 참조 대상이 된다. 붓다를 다룬 불교조형물 가운데에서도 가장 중심적인 위치를 차지하는 불상을 논의의 주된 대상으로 삼는다. 불상에 붓다관이 반영된 양태로서 주목하는 몇 가지는 다음과 같다. (1) 붓다가 표현된 양태가 붓다관과 관련하여 중요하다면, 붓다의 부재 또한 주목할 만하다. 무불상시대의 조형물에서 보이는 붓다의 부재는 불교 외적 요인도 있겠으나 가시적 형상을 초월한 붓다의 특성에 대한 인식과 관련이 있다. (2) 불교도들은 점차 붓다를 인간의 형상으로 보고자 하는 강한 열망에 사로잡혔고 그 결과 불상이 탄생했다. 붓다 보기에 대한 열망은 『아쇼카 아바다나』}등 몇몇 경전에 드러난 양상이기도 하다. (3) 붓다 보기, 불상보기는 삼매 수행의 한 방법으로도 체계화되었다. 그러한 양태는 『반주삼매경』을 필두로 『관불삼매해경』}등에서 볼 수 있는 것이다. (4) 붓다관은 불상의 구체적인 형상으로도 표현될 수 있다. 불상에서 가장 눈에 띄는 것은 32상의 구족․장엄에 관한 것이다. 이것은 어느 붓다에나 보편적으로 적용되는 것이라 특별한 붓다관을 반영한다고는 할 수 없다. 대체로 불상들은 붓다가 최고의 지혜와 자비를 갖춘 존재라는 일반적인 합의를 반영할 뿐이다. 불상에 특이한 조형적 특징들이 보인다면, 그것은 반드시 특정한 붓다관과 관련된 것이라기보다 시대적이나 지역적인 조형 전통이나 흐름을 반영하는 것일 가능성이 높다. 때로는 어느 지역이나 종족의 신적인 것, 초월적인 것에 대한 상상이나 관념을 반영하는 것일 수도 있다. (5) 불상은 그 물적․매체적 특성과도 밀접한 관련을 갖는다. 즉 붓다를 표현한 조형물은 단순히 붓다로서만 만들어지는 것이 아니라 하나의 물(物)로서의 의의도 지니며, 그것을 보고 대하는 행위에서도 그러하다. 따라서 여기에 개재된 붓다에 대한 생각은 단순히 붓다관의 문제에 그치지 않으며, 붓다를 나타낸 물(物)에 대한 태도․생각, 그 기능과도 관련되는 것이다. This paper examines the ways the idea of Buddha was manifested in Buddhist visual creations. It discusses several distinctive aspects especially focusing on Buddha images. If the modes of visually presenting the Buddha matters, the absence of the Buddha in human forms at the earliest stage of Buddhist art is equally significant. It is an eloquent statement about the Buddha as a transcendental figure who has gone beyond any limitations of human world. The one who entered the ultimate nirvana cannot be depicted properly back in human forms. However, the desire to see him visually was irresistible among early Buddhists as reflected in the story of Upagupta paying homage to Māra who transformed himself into a double of the Buddha. It led to the recreation of the Buddha in human forms or the anthropomorphic signification of the one who is no longer visible. The viewing of the Buddha in mental practice or dream and eventually in visual images became an important method of practice for Buddhists to achieve the highest spiritual goal. In visual images the Buddha was depicted with a number of the thirty-two lakṣaṇas of mahāpuruṣa. They denoted the superhuman character of the Buddha in physical form, but did not convey further specific significances because they were features universal to any Buddhas. To read the ideas of the Buddha embodied in visual form is much more complex. We have a fundamental question as to whether the sophisticated ideas of the Buddha can be shared or transmitted between the commissioner of the image and its sculptor or whether they can be depicted in the way they can be read as originally intended by the commissioner or the sculptor. The ideas of the Buddha reflected in Buddha images are hardly more than the general conception of the Buddha as the supreme embodiment of wisdom and compassion, although there are minor differences in periods and regions. There can be further variations in diverse regions that stem from the variety of conventional modes of representing human form and the notion about the numinous world. One should also note that a Buddha image was not simply viewed as a replacement for the Buddha. The image was often the Buddha himself. The “signified” and the “signifier” were not fundamentally separable. This was another prominent aspect when the Buddha took the form of an image.

간다라 초기 불상의 한 양상

이주형 ( Rhi Juhyung ) 중앙아시아학회 2020 中央아시아硏究 Vol.25 No.2

In a paper published in 2018 I discussed the chronological positions of four dated Buddha images of unknown eras from Gandhāra in relation to major visual (or stylistic) types of Buddha images in Gandhāran art I identified in another earlier paper. Among the four, a stele of Indraśailaguhā from Mamāne Ḍherī of the year 89 and a standing Buddha from Hashtnagar (Pālāṭū Ḍherī) near Charssada of the year 384, which both belong to Type III in my grouping, are datable to 216 and 209 CE respectively and represent the most productive period in Gandhāran sculpture, while a triad of the year 5 in a private collection in Japan, which is identifiable as Type II, could be placed around 232 CE. This paper examines what went ahead before this period in the making of Buddha images in Gandhāra. Beginning with Buddhas carved on gold and copper coins of Kaniṣka, this paper explores their parallels or related examples in extant Buddha images. Especially notable is the peculiar rendering of the uṣṇīṣa in the form of snail-shell curls of the Buddha in one of the gold coins. A Buddha head in the Asian Art Museum in Berlin shows a uṣṇ īṣa in a similar form, and a standing Buddha in the same collection has an identical face with the head, though the uṣṇ īṣa is different. Both Buddhas have mustaches in distinctive shapes. A number of Buddha images that can be linked to these two Berlin Buddhas are found in broad areas from the Kabul valley in the west to Taxila in the east and Butkara of Swat in the north. One of the Buddha images carved on the Bīmarān reliquary exhibits similar features and is perhaps the earliest extant example of this type. Buddha images of this distinctive type seem to have been made during the first and second centuries CE and mark an early phase of the imagery of the Buddha in Greater Gandhāra.

인도초기불교미술의 佛像觀

이주형(Rhi Juhyung),김리나 (토론자) 한국미술사교육학회 2001 美術史學 Vol.15 No.-

If the Buddha"s relics mattered so much as cult objects for early Buddhists in India, as convincingly demonstrated by Gregory Schopen in a series of recent papers, how could the creation of Buddha images have gained as much sanctity, which may not have been equal to that of the relics but which should at least be enough to justify its inception or admission as a valid cult practice? The persistent perception that images are groundless, merely an arbitrary creation, may well have been present among early Buddhists as attested by the discussion of uddesika cetiya in the “Kalingabodhi -j?taka” Naturally there could have been two solutions to this problem: first, depending for sanctity on relics by installing images near the relics or placing relics inside images; second, dispensing with relics but relying on the sacred iconography authenticated through legendary traditions. The second option has been discussed plentifully from the very beginning in the exploration of the origin of the Buddha image, particularly with regard to the formation of special laksnas and the transmission of legendary figures. This paper focuses instead on the first option dealing with the relationship between images, mortal remains and realities. The questions are addressed in three aspects. First, an image type, distinctly from the Sw?t valley, with wide-open eyes directly engaging the viewer could be viewed as a portrait of the dead─the Buddha in this case─which is relatable to the Parthian funerary portraits. It is notable that the Parthian portraits were usually placed inside funerary shrines where the bones of the dead were stored, while the Sw?t images were installed on the walls of st?pas. Second, the Gandh?ran images, which never gained such a dominant position as st?pas within monasteries, were usually enshrined in a series of small chapels surrounding a st?pa court, apparently in a subordinate manner to a st?pa where relics are buried. On occasions the relics seem to have been placed on the top of usn?sa where a small cavity is visible in a number of images. This may be supported by several accounts in Chinese sources that state the presence of a relic on the usn?sa of images that originated in the “West.” Third, the use of the designation pratim? for an image, which appeared in Mathur? during the middle of the Kaniska era and coincides with the transition of an image type from the Kapardin type, seems significant enough in this regard for this may well be interpreted as a change in the concept of images. This paper explores these three aspects, which appear to have been mutually related.

'眞身'에 관하여

이주형 서울대학교 인문학연구소 2001 人文論叢 Vol.45 No.-

진신'이라는 말은 불고문헌에 자주 나오지는 않지만 간간이 마주칠 수 있는 용어이다. 우리 나라의 『삼국유사』에서도 '진신', '진신사리', '진신석가'등의 어구를 통해 이 말이 여러 번 등장하는 것을 볼 수 있다. '진'이라는 글자가 들어간 만큼 이 말에서 예상되는 심오한 해석상의 의미는 차치하더라도 그 활용상의 의미는 일견 비교적 명쾌할 것으로 예상될 수도 있지만, 실제로 그 용례는 그리 단순하지 않다. 우선 '진신'은 '진체', '진여', '진실', '진심' 같은 말처럼 불교에서 이야기하는 궁극적인 본질을 가리키는 용어로 볼 수 있다. 즉 통상 붓다의 삼신론에서 이야기하는 '법신'과 같은 의미로 간주할 수 있는 것이다.