라틴아메리카의 중도좌파 붐

이성형(Rhee Sung Hyong) 역사비평사 2011 역사비평 Vol.- No.96

This article explores the academic debates on the Latin American leftist resurgence. I argue the phenomenon have been the end product of geopolitical and domestic politics. Leftwing parties have been blessed with the demise of American interventionism after the debacle of Soviet bloc. They have been elected to government in rapid succession, benefiting from disillusionment with the poor performance of neoliberal reforms during 1990s. The electoral politics with or without resurgent social movements have been also instrumental for the leftist forces to have access to power. Even though the left have a strong commitment to egalitarianism, their political behaviour have been de-radicalized and adapted to the “median voter model.” They know well that their fate depends on the support of middle sectors in the society. Until now, the Chinese demands on primary products and energy have given the leftist governments some leverage to boost up social programs which could be instrumental to mobilize the voters successfully.

룰라 정부의 브라질 - BRICs의 밝은 미래는 있는가?

이성형(Rhee Sung-Hyong) 역사비평사 2006 역사비평 Vol.- No.76

라틴아메리카, 신자유주의와 세계화에 미래는 있는가?

李成炯(Rhee Sung-Hyong) 역사학회 2005 역사학보 Vol.0 No.187

미국의 對콜롬비아 마약 전쟁 : 현실주의 외교 논리의 문제점

이성형(Sung-Hyong Rhee) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2005 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.18 No.4

United States policy in Colombia has undergone significant changes since the adoption of the Plan Colombia by the Clinton administration. But the “war on drugs” has failed to reduce the production, trafficking, and consumption of illicit substances. In all these areas Washington's action may actually have made an already grave situation worse. The production of coca leaves increased and the fields crossed the neighboring borders destabilizing the regional security. Human rights abuses also increased with militarization of the drug war among guerrilla forces, paramilitary groups, and Colombian army. Central government's penetration also nearly broke down in remote towns near the southern and oriental part of the country. The paper tries to explore the reason why the Plan Colombia and its approach has failed. The world-view that has shaped United States' twin war on drugs and terrorism looks too narrow to handle the complex problems Colombia faces. National security, defined exclusively in military terms, has taken precedence over equally significant political, economic, and social considerations. United States policy will continue to be ill equipped to assist Colombia in addressing the root causes of its current crisis until the over-securitized realist perspective undergoes significant changes. A more enlightened public policy mix would focus less on the security problem itself and more on the causes of violent drug production in Colombia and also on the causes of drug consumption in the United States.

NAFTA와 멕시코(1994~2006)

이성형(Rhee Sung-Hyong) 비판사회학회 2007 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.76

한ㆍ미 FTA를 둘러싼 찬반양론에서 NAFTA와 멕시코의 경험은 주요한 준거틀이 된 바 있다. 하지만 정치적으로 양극화된 토론에서 멕시코 사례에 대한 해석은 다소 왜곡되어 아전인수격으로 인용되었다. 필자는 멕시코의 NAFTA 경험이 우리의 FTA 토론에서 반면교사의 역할을 하겠지만, 우리가 겪을 향후 경험과 동일시될 수 없다는 점을 강조한다. 그런 점에서 멕시코 사례가 지닌 해석의 맥락을 염두에 두고 지난 12년간의 경힘을 반추하고자 한다. NAFTA 예찬론자들은 협정이 멕시코의 경제 체질을 개선하고, 노동자들의 생산성을 증대시켜, 더 나은 임금과 더 많은 일자리를 만들어낼 것이라고 주장했다. 미국의 전략가들은 이런 시나리오에 따라 미국에 유입되는 불법이민의 수를 줄일 수 있다고 말했다. NAFTA가 체결된 지 12년이 지난 현재 시점에서 보면 이 시나리오는 예상과 달리 전혀 다른 방향으로 흘러갔다. 제조업 수출이 증가한 긍정적인 측면도 있지만, 내수산업의 침체를 동반한 역내무역의 증가로 귀결되었다. 경제성장률의 실적도 NAFTA 이전 10년 전이랑 별 다를 바 없고, 1960~1970년대와 비교하면 크게 미달된다. 노동자의 실질임금도 하락했고, 노동시장의 비공식 부문화도 크게 진행되었다. 전반적으로 직업의 안정성과 노동조건은 크게 악화되었다고 볼 수 있다. 농업 부문의 위기는 식량 주권의 상실, 일자리의 대규모 상실로 이어져서 대단히 심각한 상황이고, 이로 인해 농업노동자의 이촌향도와 불법이주가 증대하고 있는 실정이다. 연 50~60만 명에 이르는 불법이주민이 미국국경을 넘어가고 있어 양국 관계는 불편한 상황인데, 이것이야말로 NAFTA의 ‘깨어진 약속’을 잘 보여주고 있다고 하겠다. In Korea, the dominant positive view about the US-Korea FTA among government policy-makers continues to contrast sharply with widespread skepticism of civil society activists and critical social scientists. Each side tries to support their position interpreting the Mexico’s experiments of NAFTA in their own way. Politicization of interpreting the Mexican case leads each side a lop-sided conclusion: Proponents sees only the rosier side of NAFTA, but opponents stresses only the darker side. In this article, I evaluate the Mexico’s experiments with NAFTA without any dogmatic presupposition, and stress the contextual meaning of the case. Most NAFTA boosters argued the agreement would improve macroeconomic performance and raise the productivity of Mexico’s workers, improve their living standards, thus curbing the illegal migration into the U.S. territory. After 12 years since the agreement went into effect, such promise would be seen unfulfilled. Economic growth in Mexico over past 12 years has been bleak on a per capita basis, and no better than in much of the rest of Latin America, but far poorer than the earlier days from the 1960s to the 1970s. Exports of manufacturing products have increased rapidly, but the dependence on the U.S. market also deepened. Workers’ incomes have actually fallen since 1994, their job security weakened, and the quality of job degraded, thus increasing dramatically marginal workers in the informal sector. Deep crisis in agricultural sector seems to be very critical one, pushing rural workers to urban poors’ barrios or to the band of illegal migrants. Continued illegal immigration in large scale into the United States shows quite clearly the broken promises of NAFTA. The treaty remains quite controversial even today in Mexico and the United States.

오바마 정부와 라틴아메리카

이성형(Sung-Hyong Rhee) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2010 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.23 No.2

The Obama administration decided to pay more attention to Latin America since presidential campaign, criticizing harshly the Bush administration’s neglect of the hemispheric issues. When in office, he trumpeted a New Partnership for the Americas looking future rapprochement in the Americas. But the gulf between his good-mannered and rosy rhetorics and stiff actions done in the crucial tests for the first year disappointed many Latin American leaders. Even though he modified some policies on Cuba allowing free travels for Cuban Americans, the administration's benign neglect of the military coup and recognition of the subsequent regime in Honduras showed the propensity to realist calculation as a regional hegemon with much weaker commitment to democracy. The agreement to lease 7 military bases in Colombia also imprinted the image of U.S. as a hawkish superpower to South American nations. The military cum humanitarian occupation of Haiti after the earthquake also smacks of the same flavor. Why Obama failed to fill the gap between the rhetorics and the actions? First, recalcitrant rightist Republicans in the Congress blocked new initiatives and the inertia of bureaucratic politics beleaguered with Pentagon’s War on Terror also made the business as usual model keep going. The priority on Latin American issues still lags behind. Second, the resurgence of extra-hemispheric powers like China, Russia, Iran, India and other non-aligned countries gave Latin American countries more room to act autonomously. Latin American nations’ drive toward self-determination and autonomy has grown more rapidly than expected during the Bush administraion with a changing power configuration in global arena. The Obama administration will face much difficulties in harmonizing the interest of hegemonic power in the Americas with shrinking power resources and more audacious regional responses.

멕시코의 정치적 부패 : 원인, 결과, 함의

이성형(Sung-Hyong Rhee) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2007 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.20 No.3

Political corruption is one of the most significant challenges confronting democratic governability in post-prista Mexico. The article argues that many anticorruptioninitiatives of Fox administration failed because they are nonpolitical in nature, while the political corruption in the country is inherently regime-based and politically motivated. To understand the Mexican peculiarities, the article delves into the historical legacies, the formation of ‘imperial presidentialism' and its impact on political corruption, and the cycle of ritualized anticorruption drives lacking any success in curbing the corruption. Even with the demise of the prista rule since 2000, the chances for institutionalized corruption and other misdeeds would not have been significantly diminished because the drives toward greater transparency and accountability was too technical and nonpolitical in nature. The persistence of patron-client relationship between business elites and politicians also blockscurbing corruption. The struggle for cleaner government in Mexico will remain anon-going business for the future governments to come.

문화적 민족주의의 발명 : 멕시코 국민음악의 경우

이성형(Rhee Sung-Hyong) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2006 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.19 No.4

This study presents an ethnomusicological examination of the rise and fall of musical nationalism after the Mexican revolution. The musical nationalism is one of the cornerstones of the mestizo identity building project enshrined by the postrevolutionary regimes. The movement shows well, like the mexican muralism, the state-driven character of the project to build up the collective identity by intellectuals mobilizing the popular and local musical resources. The research focuses on the historical and social context of nationalist fever and analyses the major currents involved in musical nationalism from 1921 to 1940s. In the first part, I explained the development of national and popular music from the Independence through the Mexican Revolution, to the first half of the twentieth century. In the second part, I analysed the more intentionally driven vanguardist-nationalist movement of art musicians: Carlos Chavez, Silvestre Revuelta, and the Group of Four, etc. The musical nationalism was slowly weakened when the ‘Mexican school of composition' lost their nationalist color by the influence of Americanization of intellectuals, the rise of consumerist culture among urban middle class. Also was instrumental the denial to subsidize the artists to compose the nationalist-popular tunes by the ruling bloc institutionalized by the hegemonic party.

연구논문 : 생산 세계화의 다양성 1: 비교분석을 위한 시론

백창재 ( Chang Jae Baik ),권형기 ( Hyeong Ki Kwon ),송주명 ( Joo Myung Song ),정하용 ( Ha Lyong Jung ),이성형 ( Sung Hyong Rhee ),배병인 ( Byoung Inn Bai ),김경미 ( Kyung Mi Kim ),이소정 ( So Jeong Lee ),장희경 ( Hee Kyoung Cha 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2009 韓國 政治 硏究 Vol.18 No.1