16세기 지방 군현의 공물분정(貢物分定)과 수취

이성임(Lee Sung-im) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.72

Analyzed in this article, is the text named『Mukjae Ilgi(1535∼1567)』, which was the journals of Yi Mun Geon, who lived in the Seongju area in the 16th century. It is analyzed, in order to examine the special items' submission system inside the local Gun & Hyeon areas. Especially examined as well are the types of items and the collection process of them in general. There are more diverse items recorded in this『Mukjae Ilgi』than those recorded in other local chronicles and dynastic geographic manuals. Compared to such official records, references from personal journals (like this『Mukjae Ilgi』which witnessed the actual collection process) should be reflecting the realities' details more accurately. Items were collected differently due to their types. The items were either collected by individual households(民戶), or collected in the form of grains(rice) or textile materials(布), or collected from specially designated households. The various processes adopted for various items can be confirmed from the examples in which the authorities collected sweetfish and roe(deer). Sweetfish was an item that was collected by general households, under the practice of ‘rotated distribution from households based upon 8 Gyeol units of land(8結輪回分定)’. Residents of the Seongju area, being part of certain households, submitted sweetfish to the authorities. They were registered in the Beolgi(件記) register, and a certificate of submission was issued from the authorities(尺文). When the authorities alloted several quantities of sweetfish to be submitted to designated households, they had to secure the items. Yet 『Mukjae Ilgi』reveals several instances that deviated from that process. People asked Yi Mun Geon to have the quantity of required items be reduced, or even requested to be exempted from the duty. In several cases, other items were submitted in the place of the originally required items. Roe deers were also required from certain households. The authorities would arrange a hunting meeting, and then people from ordinary households would participate in the hunting(as San-haeng-gan/山行干 figures), and as ‘Noru Jubi (獐夫)’ figures they would submit the roe deers to authorities obtained from the hunting. In local Gun & Hyeon units, the prefect(Su’ryeong) oversaw the issue of mediation and modification of the taxation process. Yi Mun Geon utilized his personal relationship with the Seongju prefect(Moksa) and Pan’gwan officials, in reducing the amount of taxes levied upon himself and also upon other acquaintances. The Su’ryeong prefects were entitled to have a considerable amount of jurisdiction over the taxation issue, and their authority over the issue of mediating taxation was a generally acknowledged one at the time. In the 16th century Seongju area, multiple personnel were organized into one household based upon 8 Gyeol units of land, and authorities had them respond to the duty of special items submission or other dynastic services. And in order not to put too much pressure upon a particular household, the authorities made it a policy to rotate such duties(輪回分定). Either a person's name or the areal name was used as the title of the household(戶名), and the household head(戶主, 戶首) representing the household carried specific duties and rights related to the taxation process. In『Mukjae Ilgi??, various forms of ‘Jubi’, such as ‘silk’ jubi(Ju-jubi/紬夫), ‘roe’ jubi (Saengjang-jubi/生獐夫), ‘roe deer’ jubi(Nabjang-jubi/納獐夫), ‘Semok’ jubi (細木夫), ‘textile’ jubi(Po-jubi/布夫), ‘Baekmok’ jubi(白木夫, kind of textile), ‘Seonjuk’ Jubi(扇竹夫, bamboo), ‘Moktae’ Jubi(木太夫, beans), Hwanja-jubi(還上夫) and Hwanja-so-jubi(還上小夫), can be found. We can see that the name of the item and the term ‘Jubi’ were always attached to each other, which suggests a Jubi figure was designated to each of the specific items. These Jubi figures were ordinary people who were in charge of submitting the items, at literally the ground level. Their assignment was a dynastic service of col

조선 후기 동성촌락 구성원의 혼인관계 : 단성현 법물야면 商山金氏 사례를 중심으로

이성임(Lee Sung-im) 고려사학회 2008 한국사학보 Vol.- No.32

16세기 朝鮮 兩班官僚의 仕宦과 그에 따른 收入

李成妊(Lee Sung-im) 역사학회 1995 역사학보 Vol.145 No.-

연구논문 : 16세기 송덕봉(宋德峰)의 삶과 성리학적 지향

이성임 ( Sung Im Lee ) 호남사학회(구-전남사학회) 2012 역사학연구 Vol.45 No.-

16세기 조선은 고려 이래의 전통적인 삶의 방식과 조선의 지배층이 지향하고자 했던 성리학적인 삶의 교차되었다. 즉, 성리학적인 삶이 정착되어 가는 노정에 위치하여 재산의 남녀균분상속, 혼인 후 처가거주, 친가 이상으로 외가와 처가를 중시하던 전통적인 생활방식을 유지하였다. 그러면서도 부모가 사망하면 삼년상을 거행하고, 종자의 집에 사당을 건립하여 장자를 중심으로 하는 부계질서를 성립하고자 하였다. 송덕봉의 삶은 전통과 이상이 혼재된 모습이었다. 16세기에는 혼인 이후 신랑의 처가거주는 일반적인 현상이었으며, 이는 17세기까지도 지속되었다. 이러한 모습은 송덕봉 대에는 물론이고 아들, 딸, 손자 대까지 그대로 지속되었다. 광선의 혼인에서 확인할 수 있듯이 신부는 혼인 후 시댁에 왕래하지 않은 반면 대신 신랑이 본가와 처가를 왕래하였다. 그러다가 처가로 완전히 귀속되는 형태를 취하였다. 이는 조선후기 며느리가 시댁으로 들어가는 모습과는 상반되는 것이다. 송덕봉은 이러한 전통적인 거주방식을 유지하면서 시어머니의 삼년상과 사당의 건립을 통하여 성리학적 삶을 실현하고자 하였다. 이는 당시에만 해도 삼년상이 일반화되지 않았다는 것을 의미한다. 송덕봉은 남편이 종성에 유배된 상황에서 시어머니의 만년에 봉양하였을 뿐만 아니라 삼년상을 치름으로서 성리학적 삶을 몸소 실천하였다. 당시 아들이 없는 상황에서 여자의 몸으로 예를 갖추어 삼년상을 치르는 것이 쉽지 않은 일 이었다. 이 사실이 송덕봉은 남편과 시댁에 당당할 수 요건이 되었다. 친정에 거주하면서 시어머니의 만년을 함께 하고 삼년상을 치루는 모습은 아직 성리학이 정착되기 이전의 과도기적인 상황을 보여준다. 유희춘은 10여년의 기간 동안 해남과 담양에 대규모의 집을 건축하였다. 해남은 유배 이후 거주하기가 곤란한 상황 이었으며, 을묘왜변 이후에는 처가인근인 창평 수국리로 거주지를 완전히 옮겨갔다. 주목되는 사실은 처가 인근으로 거주지를 옮겨가면서도 신축한 집에 사당을 건립한다는 사실이다. 그는 형 유성춘의 손자 光雲이 宗子로서 존재함에도 불구하고 자신의 집에 사당을 건립한 후, 고관을 지낸 자신이 사당을 건립함이 마땅하다고 하였다. 이는 16세기에 양반가에서도 아직 4대봉사가 정착되지 못하고 있는 현실을 반영한다. 전통과 현대의 뒤섞이는 모습은 외손녀의 교육과 첩의 가족질서 편입과정을 통하여 이해된다. 송덕봉은 외손녀 은우에게 성리학적인 교육을 강화하였다. 즉, 송덕봉은 자신의 생각을 어린 손녀를 통하여 실현하고자 하였다. 송덕봉에게 친손녀가 있음에도 굳이 외손녀를 택할 수밖에 없었느냐는 것은 혼인 이후 처가거주라는 전통적인 방식에 연유한다. 즉, 친손자나 손녀가 있더라도 이들은 외가에서 생장하고 있어 교육시킬 기회가 주어지지 않았다. 아마 친손녀 봉례도 은우와 마찬가지로 외가에서 동일한 교육기회를 얻었을 것이다. 또한 송덕봉은 남편의 첩과 자녀를 적극적으로 수용함으로서 가족질서를 정립하고자 하였다. 그녀는 남편의 뜻을 받들어 유배 길에 시중들 여종을 골라주고 그녀가 첩이 되어 자식을 낳은 뒤에는 이들을 가족질서에 편입하고자 노력하였다. 그녀는 첩에게 나름의 역할을 부여하고, 얼녀들을 자상하게 보살핌으로서 그들이 가족의 구성원으로 생활할 수 있게 하였다. 이에 대하여 유희춘은 송덕봉을 가리켜 성리학을 몸소 실현한 중국의 상곡부인과 같다며 칭찬을 아끼지 않았다. 첩을 가족질서에 포함시키지 않는 것이 쉬운 일이 아니었겠지만, 송덕봉은 가족의 질서를 정립하고자 하였다. 이상에서와 같이 16세기는 성리학적 질서로 가는 노정에 위치하였다. 이러한 상황에서 송덕봉은 전통적인 삶의 방식을 유지하면서도 시어머니 삼년상과 사당 건립을 실현하고, 함께 생활하던 외손녀에 유교적인 교육을 강화하였을 뿐만 아니라 첩과 얼녀들을 가족질서에 편입함으로서 성리학적 삶을 실현하고자 하였다. 결국 이러한 것들이 남편이나 시댁에 당당할 수 있는 배경이 되었다. Song Duk-bong, who was the person of the 16th century, studied in the study atmosphere of parents` home, mother` parents` home and husband`s home. When considering her family background, she was familiar with Confucian classics and history and poet. Her study trend might be affected by her father, Jun, or her brother or cousins, it seems that she was significantly affected by her grandfather, Lee In-Hyung, and her husband, Lyu Hui-Chun. Song Duk-Bong tried to be familiar with the life of Neo-Confucianism by accepting it actively. At that time, Neo-Confucianism was a new study trend that was adopted in real scale and life style. Because of this reason, she could be praised as a strong, outstanding woman by her husband and husband`s family. Song Duk-Bong had an outstanding ability in home operation. She was very thorough about her home control. She changed remained money into cotton by using market or was thorough about her home control by using individual ledger. In addition, she has a rule to hire slaver. She knew how slavers needed by considering their situations well. When slaver made an achievement, she gave a prize to the slaver so that he can make the effort sincerely all the time. When Song Duk-Bong became 16 years old, she married Lyu Hui-Chun who was 8 years older than her and lived together for 40 years and 5 months. Because of public office life and banishment life of her husband, they could not live together for more than half of them. After marriage, Song Duk-Bong almost did not leave her parents` home, Damyang. Lyu Hui-Chun lived at Song Duk-Bong`s parents` home and when he had public office life, he was at Hanyang or new post so it was general that her wife bore and grew her children at her parents` home. When her mother-in-law was in critical situation, she moved to Haenam, took care of sick mother-in-law and completed 3-year funeral service without problem. In this way, she realized the Life of Neo-Confucianism actively. When she completed 3-year funeral service in the absence of her husband, her right to speak increased gradually. In the situation, when her husband sent the mail being proud of staying alone, she could refute it theoretically. After all, she could refute the indecisive mail of her husband because of realization of Neo-Confucianism life. While living with her granddaughter, Eun-Woo, she forced the thought of Neo-Confucianism she learned to her. Under the praise of Lyu Hui-Chun couple, Eun-Woo armed herself with Neo-Confucianism and learned the theory of the high and the low·noble and mean. When her aunt remarried again after losing her husband, she pressed her aunt, saying "Man`s husband is just one then why you are trying to remarry?" In addition, Song Duk-Bong controlled a concubine and other 4 women that her husband acquired during banishment life. She continued stable family relationship by adding other women of her husband that she did not want to compromise to family relationship.

새로운 이미지 거리를 통한 이미지 검색 방안 연구

이성임(Sung Im Lee),임요한(Jo Han Lim),조영민(Young Min Cho) 대한산업공학회 2014 대한산업공학회지 Vol.40 No.4

조선중기 어느 양반가문의 농지경영과 노비사환 (奴婢使喚) - 유희춘의 『 미암일기 (眉巖日記)』를 중심으로 -

이성임 ( Sung Im Lee ) 진단학회 1995 진단학보 Vol.- No.80

스펙트럼 분석을 통한 구기자 원산지 분류모형 연구

이성임 ( Sung Im Lee ),정우호 ( Woo Ho Chung ),권성원 ( Won Sung Kwon ),임요한 ( Jo Han Lim ),김상철 ( Sung Cheol Kim ) 한국보건정보통계학회 (구 한국보건통계학회) 2011 한국보건정보통계학회지 Vol.36 No.2

Objectives: The origin of medicinal herbs is crucial to quality control. We aimed to find statistical model to discriminate the origin of boxthron. Methods: We used three types of methods for choosing meaningful variables that to predict the origin of boxthron: standardization, binning, variable selection. Firstly we used LRPC (Iogistic regression model with principal components) and PLSR (partial least square regression) model to discriminate the origin of spectrum pattern, and then figured chemical substance out. Results: We compared prediction power of alternative models according to three factors: variable selection, standardization and modeling. Variable selection method was worse than modeling using all variables. An error rate of the first type of standardization showed the best results among three standardization types. PLSR lower rate of error compared to LRPC. Optimized model, through LOOCV (leave and out cross validation), predicted the time that find out Boxthron origin, and also differentiated the orogin of Boxthron by Glycerol (14.3 seconds) and malic acid (23.18 seconds). Conclusions: We identified and suggested statistical model to discriminate the origin of boxthron by simulation. However, further research is needed to enhance the rate of prediction.

『溪巖日錄 : 1603∼1641』에 대한 자료적 검토

이성임(Lee sung-im) 고려사학회 2014 한국사학보 Vol.- No.57

조선후기 호적을 통해 본 계보와 사회적 네트워크; 조선후기 경상도 한 무반가(武班家)의 가족구조 재구성 -호구단자와 일기의 비교검토

이성임 ( Sung Im Lee ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2013 大東文化硏究 Vol.83 No.-

조선시대에는 계층의 구별이 뚜렷하여 가족구조가 지금과는 전혀 다른 형태였다. 가족에의 귀속도와 사회적 공인도가 다른 3가지 형태의 가족이 있었다. 즉, 아버지를 중심에 두고 본처와 적자녀, 첩과 서자녀, 하층 여성과 혼외자로 구성된 다양한 형태가 동심원적으로 배치되었다. 본처와 적자는 중심 되는 가족구성원이었다. 그녀는 남편과 동일한 신분의 여성으로 생전에 가족 안에서 존중받았을 뿐만 아니라 사후에는 제사를 통해 기억되었다. 그녀가 낳은 자녀에게는 출생과 더불어 많은 권리와 기회가 주어졌다. 그는 가문의 대표자로 가계를 이었을 뿐만 아니라 상속에서도 유리한 입장이었다. 그러나 본처에게는 아들을 낳아 대를 이어야 할 의무가 있었다. 의료수준이 열악한 수준에서 여성들은 죽음을 무릅쓰고 출산에 진력하였는데 이는 가계를 이어야 한다는 강박 때문이었다. 부인이 사망하게 되면 남편이 전부인의 喪期를 지킬 겨를도 없이 곧바로 혼인하는 것도 이러한 이유에서였다. 양반 남성의 경우 2∼3번의 혼인은 당연하게 받아들였다. 조선시대에는 어린 아이들은 유아 사망율이 매우 높고 질병과 사고에 그대로 노출되어 있었다. 그러므로 한두 명의 아들로는 가계계승을 보장하기 어려웠다. 庶子와 婚外者는 어머니가 모두 하층 여성이라는 공통점을 갖는다. 조선의 사회구조에서 양반남성이 하층여성을 만날 기회가 상당히 많았다. 지방 수령이나 변방 진장으로 가게 되면 의례적으로 관비나 관기가 수청을 들었다. 양반남성과 하층여성의 만남은 일회적으로 끝나기도 하지만, 지속되면 아이가 생길 수 밖에 없었다. 이들을 서자로 삼을 것인가 내버려 둘 것인가 하는 것은 아버지 선택에 의하여 결정되었다. 아버지가 호의적으로 認知하여 거두어 들이면 서자가 되지만, 그렇지 않을 경우 혼외자로 남았다. 가족의 범주를 본처와 적자녀로 한정시켜 파악하던 지금까지의 논의는 재고될 필요가 있다 본처와 적자녀는 제도권 안의 가족이었지만, 그 나머지 가족에게도 일정한 위치와 자리를 정해주어야 할 것이다. Generally family means a conjugal couple and their kids. However, there were concubine`s sons and those born out of wedlock, although they could not perfectly belong to the boundary of family. Legitimate son had a high position to succeed in the family, and had rights to decide all sorts of matters. On the other hand, extramarital son was only an outsider at the bottom of the family system. They had no choice but to be discriminated only because their mothers were from low classes, despite they had the same father. Extramarital kids were born while aristocrats were serving as local officers. Their fathers were noble men, but mothers were official girls named gisaeng disposed in local or frontier areas. They served local officials for a certain period of time. Basically, officers cannot rape gisaengs since they served public duties belonging to offices, while in reality they were the officers` local concubines. The fathers did not feel any responsibilities for those gisaeng and the kids born from them. Mothers took nurturing children, and the kids often succeeded in their mothers` work. Extramarital kids were socially discriminated from marital kids. However, they could be able to be family members since their fathers recognized them. Otherwise, they had to live out of the family`s boundary. In other words, father`s attitudes determined their kids` lives. Families in the late Joseon were more variable than we think. The structure was very complex containing marital, concubines`, and even extramarital kids. Therefore, the meaning of family should be enlarged from conjugal couple and their kids to concubines` kids and extramarital children.

16세기 江華府使의 坐起와 不坐

이성임(Lee, Sung-Im) 인천대학교 인천학연구원 2005 인천학연구 Vol.4 No.-

This study observed the operating system and duty performing method of county government through <Ganghwa Seonsaeng's diary> left by Jeon Sun-Pil in the 16th century. In the first place, the procedure and ceremony from the time Jeon Sun-Pil was appointed as a Gangwha county governor to the time he started for his new post were observed. A newly appointed officer should go through many procedure before proceeding to his post. Jeon Sun-Pil was informed that he was appointed as a county governor through Gyeongjaeso. To inform the expected governor that he was appointed was one of the roles of Gyeongjaeso in the 16th century. Saeunsukbae means a procedure that expresses his gratitude for the appointment, and Seogyeong means character reference for public officers. After Seogyeong, Sajo was performed as a procedure to get advices from high-ranking officers and his predecessor. Hajiksukbae was a ceremony to make his farewell to the king before he left for the post. He secured his authority as a county governor by obtaining Gwanin and Byeongbu when he arrived. Joagi means the head of office handles his business at a government office. The Joagi rate of the Gangwha county governor was 57.8%, which was somewhat higher than a Cheonan county governor. In addition, the Gangwha county governor was often out of town for official execution of his duty. Therefore, workload of the Gangwha county governor was heavier than other county governors. Regardless of frequency of Joagi, the Gangwha county governor completed 74% of his workdays when we divided his business type through the contents in the diary. This is equivalent to the number of workdays for current civil servants. The number of Bujoa out of 1,102 days the Gangwha county governor worked was 167 days, which was 15.2%. County governors in Joseon Dynasty could leave his office in case of Gukgi, Sagi, and disease.