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유찬열 德成女子大學校 1999 德成女大論文集 Vol.30 No.-
This procedure and the final outcome of the North Korea policy of the Kim Dae-jung Administration Sunshine Policy, Engagement Policy, and the dissolution of the cold War structure is an object of enormous curiosity in light of its unusual nature. It is unknown yet whether the policy that consistently conducts exchange and cooperation with an old enemy , North Korea, on the one hand, and decisively confronts its military provocation on the other, can achieve the declared and more ultimate goals the rapprochement of the two Koreas and the incorporation of Norch Korea into the international society. This policy is, in a sense, a great gamble. Nevertheless, the intermediate results of the S-N dialigues for the past two years suggest the necessity of policy on the part of South Korea. While the positive accomplishments of the policy need to be enlarged, their temporary nature and future uncertainty have to be removed. For that purpose, the engagement policy should employ the measures of stick beyond mere appeacement unilateral provision of carrots. To freeze the development of the weapons of mass destruction, the promises with North Korea construcrion of light water reactor and the relaxation of economic sanctions have to be kept, but South Korea and its strategic parterners should force Norch Korea to reform and open door. Coercion is the priviledge of the great powers. The reason why South Korea, the United States, and Japan cannot induce enough change of north Korea is that they do not effectively take advantage of their superiority. Liberal democracy in North Korea is not to be acquired that easily. The precious values of individual liberty, rule of law, fair competition, and humas rights would be possible only when persistent coercion is practiced toward the anachronistic regime beyond simple enticement.
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U.S. Security Interests in East Asia
유찬열 한국세계지역학회 2006 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.24 No.2
The U.S. has several security goals in East Asia. In practice, they involve resolving North Korean nuclear dilemma, helping China to evolve into a democracy, reducing growing China-Taiwan and Sino-Japanese tensions, and allaying anti-American sentiment in South Korea. In its efforts to solve these problems, the U.S. should rely on the principle of defensive, not offensive, realism because the threats in the region are not yet so grave as to challenge American primacy and still manageable with dialogue, negotiation, and cooperation before applying coercion.
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유찬열 德成女子大學校 2000 德成女大論文集 Vol.31 No.-
The tasks that South Korea should pay most attention in the 21st century would probably be unification because only the Koreans tragically continue ideological confrontation on the globe maintaining a divided political system. The policy toward North Korea in that case would be rational if it takes the feature of current Engagement Policy because it is expected to be more helpful than the strict reciprocity in introducing and maintaining tension reduction, peaceful coexistence, and cooperation as an intermediate road to the eventual unification. In the midst, South Korea should improve diplomatic relations with the surrounding four great powers and should upgrade military readiness. In light of that North Korea does not weaken its alliance with China, South Korea should strengthen its counter-alliance by wisely resolving the pending agenda and should introduce a strong military based on high technology.
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유찬열 덕성여자대학교 사회과학연구소 1996 사회과학연구 Vol.4 No.-
The New International Order in the Post-Cold War era has several characteristics, the most representative of which are American world hegemony and the formation of great power relations single-handedly managed by the United State. The United States, currently as the sole superpower, mobilizes every possible means to expand its power and interests beyond the horizon of ideology. Russia and Eastern European countries are indoctrinated by the superiority of the Western democracy, and Western Europe is not immune from American political intervention. Japan is strongly balanced by the entity of trans-Pacific alliance, and most of the countries in the world can not oppose the will of the resilient international leader. Only China is inclined to challenge the intention of the world leader, but it simultaneously professes the policy of cooperation as long as its critical interests are not infringed. In this international order, North Korea's future is dismal. It neither can stem the tough international currents nor generate the ability of self-cure. The international system is not formed in a favorable fashion for the rebirth of North Korea, nor is the North's intrinsic nature sufficiently flexible for necessary evolution. North Korean has long taken a peculiar form of development based on Juche ideology. Once its system of thought seemed fancy, and at another time its economy looked flourishing. Our time its military looked mighty, and an another moment its culture seemd to extol the pride of national Marxism. But now everything is changing. North Korea is standing on the verge of total collapse. It's future is to either violently collapse or to slowly perish through incremental reform. It has no other alternatives, but the choice is not easy. In this situation. South Korea has to be wise enough to be the eventual victor in the competition. What South Korea new needs is a balanced sense of the relative gravity of its policy alternatives.
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