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      • KCI등재

        식민지기 경성부 동부 교외지역의 실태와 도시개발

        유승희(Yoo, Seung-Hee) 부산경남사학회 2013 역사와 경계 Vol.86 No.-

        본고는 식민지기 경기도 고양군 숭인면에서 경성부 동부로 편입된 교외지역의 실태와 도시화 과정을 살펴본 것이다. 편입이전의 동부 교외지역은 두드러진 인구 증가에 비해 도시 시설의 부족으로 공간이용도는 낮았다. 전답경작지가 많아 분산적 부락을 형성했으며, 토지 이용, 교통, 상하수도 시설 면에서 도시인접지로서의 역할보다는 농촌적 성향이 강하였다. 더욱이 오물 및 분뇨처리장, 화장장, 공동묘지 등 혐오시설이 설치되어 도시의 사각지대를 형성하였다. 경성부로 편입된 후 교외지역에서는 새로운 도시복합체로서 집중적인 개발이 진행되었다. 도심과의 연결을 위해 도로망이 확충, 개수되었고, 철도가 개설되었으며, 공장 및 주택지구도 형성되는 등 도시의 물리적 복제와 확장이 이루어졌다. 하지만 부민으로서의 생활의 편의는 편입이전과 다름이 없었다. 여전히 도심과 달리 도로, 교통, 상하수도 등 도시문화시설이 영세하고 빈약하여 지역적 불균등이 존재하였고, 시가지 계획에 따른 토지구획 정리로 토막민이 번성하는 등 파행적인 도시발전이 이루어졌다. 도시화의 진행 형태 또한 동부 교외 전 지역이 동일하게 진행된 것이 아닌 분산적이고 선택적으로 이루어졌다. 돈암, 신설, 용두, 청량리 등 상공업 기반이 있는 지역을 중심으로 도시개발이 치우쳐 있으며, 종암, 답십리 등 경성부 경계지점의 지역개발은 이루어지지 않아 동부 교외지역 안에서도 개발의 지역적 불균형이 나타났다. The purpose of this research thesis is to study about the current status of suburb eastern areas incorporated into Gyeongseongbu from Sunginmyeon, Goyanggun, Gyeonggi Province, and about how these areas became urbanized during the colonial period. Prior to the incorporation, these suburb eastern areas witnessed the shortage of urban facilities despite the remarkable increase in population. Because of these things, the space availability accounted for the low rates. These areas abundant with farmlands formed dispersive villages, assuming a significant role as a rural zone rather than as an urban one, in terms of land, traffic and waterwork facilities. Moreover, the establishment of facilities like waste water or excrement treatment plants, crematorium and graveyards led these areas to form the remote urban zones. Since the suburb areas had been incorporated into Gyeongseongbu, the intensive development of new urban complexes was made there. For example, physical urban cities were reproduced and increased: road networks were expanded and repaired and railways were established in connection with civic centers. Also, plants and housing districts were established. But the quality of the convenient life facilities that vagabonds can benefit from made little difference compared with the times before these areas were incorporated. Unlike any other civic centers, these suburb areas remained the substandardized and impoverished urban cultural facilities-roads, traffic, water and drainage systems. These pictures spawned regional inequality. The rearrangement of land compartmentalization in compliance with the city section projects gave sharp rise to residents dwelling in dugout huts, and contributed to the drastic urban growth. The progress of urbanization was being made not as the same way but as the dispersive and selective one in overall suburb eastern areas. The urban development was concentrated mainly in commerce and industry-intensive areas like Donam, Shinseol, Chungryangri and etc. Meanwhile, the regional development was not made in boundary point of Gyeongseongbu like Jongam or Dabsibri. This phenomenon evidences that the development projects underwent regional inequality in suburb eastern areas.

      • KCI등재

        논문 : 조선후기 한성부의 사산(四山) 관리와 송금(松禁)정책

        유승희 ( Seung Hee Yoo ) 이화사학연구소 2013 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.46

        This article examines the policy of four mountains management led by the nation as an aspect of operating a city in the latter period of Chosun. Hanseongbu`s four mountains were very crucial in the military aspects as they protected the four great gates and the palace from all directions, and ideologically, it had spatial symbolicity as well as the ``four numinous mountains(四神砂)`` for Gyeongbokgung. Thus, in the period of Chosun, the politicians regarded the four mountains management to be very important and limited their use in order to protect Seoul`s landscape and also its breath and pulse and prevent the floods of the rivers. The government`s management plans for those four mountains are characterized largely from three aspects: First, from the latter period of Chosun, they concretized the regulations regarding the four mountains management to reinforce the control over cutting pine trees. The government established detailed articles about watching and punishing those cutting pine trees to strengthen the social control over cutting pine trees. The regulations mainly included punishing four mountains inspectors who did not watch those cutting pine trees, preventing bribery of Sanjik(山直:forest protector), or punishing pine tree gatherers, so the people`s crime of cutting pine trees was regarded as a great social issue then. Second, they increased the range of prohibition in the four mountains. From the 18th century, each of the military camps` range of prohibition increased more than in the former period of Chosun, so we can see that the nation`s management became extended and strengthened. The range of prohibition that was limited to the inside area of the ridges outside the capital city became extended to the outside area of the inside chains, not being limited to the four mountains inside the capital city from the latter period of the 18th century. Third, they replaced the inspectors, the managers, with Chamgun(參軍) to increase the efficiency of the management. From the latter period of Chosun, the pine cutting criminals even used force that the four mountains inspectors and Sanjik in charge of the management could not conduct the inspection properly. Thus, from the 18th century, they replaced the four mountains inspectors with Chamgun, military officials, in order to get rid of that negative effect.

      • 특정 조사와 주요 단어의 비교를 이용한 한글 논문의 유사도 측정

        유승희(Seung-hee Yoo),문일형(Yil-hyeong Mun),조동섭(Dong-sub Cho) 한국멀티미디어학회 2007 한국멀티미디어학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2007 No.1

        인터넷의 발달로 대량의 전자문서들을 손쉽게 구할 수 있는 정보의 바다라 불리는 현대사회에서 논문 표절은 심각한 문제를 안게 되었다. 표절여부를 검사하는 방법에는 여려 가지가 있지만 보다 정확하고 빠르게 검출할 수 있는 기법이 요구된다. 본 논문에서는 논문 표절 검사 시스템에 사용되는 기법 중 지문법을 바탕으로 하지만 기존의 단어, 문장 등을 사용하는 방법과 차별을 두어 몇몇 주요 단어와 특정 조사의 비교를 이용해 유사성을 측정하여 보다 빠르고 정확하게 검출할 수 있는 기법을 제안한다.

      • KCI등재

        논문(論文) : 조선전기 한성부 가옥 철거와 정부의 보상실태

        유승희 ( Seung Hee Yoo ) 이화사학연구소 2011 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.42

        This article examines the Hanseongbu removal policy in the former period of Joseon as part of the measure to understand spatial reorganization around the infrastructure construction of the city. The government`s removal policy in the former period of Joseon was conducted for various purposes like to temple removal in the capital city according to the policy of worshiping Confucianism, eliminate houses suppressing the main range of the castle or the Royal Sanctuary, remove houses near the castle or official residences for preventing fire, or get rid of houses to build residences for the royal family. The government`s such removal policy in the former period of Joseon has the following characteristics. First, the demolition policy of early Joseon government exhibited periodical changes and local characteristics. The purpose of housing demolitions pushed ahead by government before Sejo`s era is in building housings for prince and princess, government buildings, road and also in making space to prevent fire, on the other hand, the demolition after Sungjong`s era, demolition policy had in its goal in tearing down the housings that obstruct the vitality of palace based on the theory of divination based on topography. Open space were compensated for the residents of demolished housings until 1502, however, rice or clothes were compensated for market value of demolished housings after 1502. Second, with removing the houses of suppression or residences in tabooed places, the space surrounding the castle was organized into tabooed space, not residential space. The government`s such removal policy was for protecting symbolicity of the castle rather than for enhancing efficiency of the urban space. Third, it resulted in reorganization of the space in Hanseongbu and expansion of the urban space. Although the government`s reward policy for the homeless in the former period of Joseon was principled to give them some vacant land in Hanseongbu, it, in fact, provided them with vacant land outside the capital city like outside Sugumun or Namdaemun for the lack of residential space in Hanseongbu, and it led to the city space expansion or reorganization. As described above, the government`s dwelling removal in the former period of Joseon was oriented to highlighting premodern duality of the reasonability of city organization, feng-shui, and royal authority and the symbolicity of the city. The chief idea for that spatial removal was based on the logic of geomantic studies. The geomantic studies` idea of spatial removal had bigger impact on highlighting the symbolicity of the city rather than enhancing efficiency of the city operation in the removal policy for Hanseongbu, the planned city. Removing houses of suppression and residences around tabooed places based on geomantic studies was to protect the symbolicity of royal authority, and the national removal in the former period of Joseon was not mere slum removal but aimed to establish space to highlight symbolicity of the city based on the discriminative and separate idea.

      • KCI등재

        17~18세기 야금(夜禁)제의 운영과 범야자(犯夜者)의 실태

        유승희(Yoo, Seung-Hee) 부산경남사학회 2013 역사와 경계 Vol.87 No.-

        본 논문은 조선시대 야금제의 운영과 실태를 살펴본 것이다. 정부의 야금제도의 운영은 다음과 같은 특징을 가지고 있었다. 첫째, 한성부의 경우 야금제는 도성 안에 집중되었다. 정부는 광활한 도성 밖 보다는 도성 안의 야간 통행금지를 강화하였다. 도성 밖의 순라는 임의적 성격이 강해 야금의 신칙이 불가했으며, 경작처가 많은 지역적 특성상 야금을 시행하면 농민의 왕래에 방해가 되는 난점이 있었기 때문이다. 둘째, 물금첩의 발행은 야간 사무의 효율성을 높이기 위한 것이었지만 오히려 야금을 혼란하게 하는 원인이 되었다. 조선후기 물금첩은 남발되었을 뿐 아니라 신첩과 구첩이 혼용되는 등 관리가 미흡하였다. 더욱이 각 관사마다 자체적으로 물금첩이 작성되어 야금을 더욱 혼잡하게 하였다 셋째, 범야자와 이를 제어하는 순라군간의 갈등이 심하였다. 범야자의 대부분은 국가의 하급관속으로, 이들은 소속 관사의 위세를 믿고 야금을 범하였다. 그 과정에서 국가의 통제를 벗어나려는 부류와 이를 제어하는 포청, 순청의 관리들과의 갈등이 나타나 집단 폭력과 범야 탈거(奪去)자가 발생하였다. 이처럼 조선시대 야금제는 운영상의 문제를 드러내기도 했지만, 치안유지를 목적으로 국가가 도시를 안정화시키기 위해 실시한 제도적 장치였다. 비록 야금의 위반이 경범죄였지만,『일성록』?이나 『추조결옥록』에 범야자에 대한 기록과 처벌이 제시되어 있을 정도로 이를 단속하여 백성을 통제하려는 국가의 의지는 강하였다. 이러한 조선시대 야금제는 1895년에 폐지되었지만, 일제 강점기 이후 1982년까지 개인 활동의 자유가 보장된 현대 시민들의 행동을 억압하는 주요한 동력을 제공하였다. This article aims to examine the operation and status of the nighttime curfew system during the Chosun era. The nighttime curfew system was executed from King Taejong’s reign till 1895 (Gojong 32) when Injeong and Paru systems were abolished. This was the basic system for nighttime public order in Hanseongbu and controlled private activities during nighttime for the sake of establishing social and public order as well as national security. The government’s operation of the nighttime curfew system is characterized by the followings: First, Hanseongbu’s nighttime curfew was focused on the capital city. The government reinforced the curfew within the capital city even more strongly rather than the vast area outside of it. The patrols outside the capital city tended to be arbitrary, so it was impossible to settle the nighttime curfew system. Due to the regional characteristics having much area for cultivation, if nighttime curfew had been operated there, it would have caused confusion as interfering the farmers’ passages. Second, the issuing of Mulgeumcheop was to enhance nighttime work efficiency; however, it became rather a cause of confusing the nighttime curfew. During the latter period of Chosun, Mulgeumchim was not only overissued, but the management for it lacked as both old and new cheops were used in confusion. Besides, each of the official residences made the Mulgeumcheop in its own way, which confused the nighttime curfew even more. Third, there existed severe conflict between the curfew violators and patrol troops controlling them. Most of the curfew violators were the government’s minor officials, so they relied on the authority of the official residence they belonged to and violated the nighttime curfew. In that process, conflict emerged between those intending to escape from the government’s control and government officials in Pocheong or Suncheong trying to control them, which led to the appearance of collective violence and those robbing the curfew violators. During the Chosun area, the nighttime curfew system exposed these problems in its operation. However, it was the systemic device for the nation to stabilize the city for the purpose of maintaining public order. It was some kind of misdemeanor then as either 『Ilseongrok』? or 『Chujogyeolokrok』contains the records or punishments for curfew violators; however, the government’s will to control the people by executing the nighttime curfew was quite strong. Chosun’s nighttime curfew system was abolished in 1895, but after the Japanese rule till 1982, it provided the major drive to suppress the modern citizens securing the freedom of private activity.

      • 일반논문 : 서울학 연구의 현재적 의미와 한계

        유승희 ( Seung Hee Yoo ) 서울시립대학교 도시인문학연구소 2010 도시인문학연구 Vol.2 No.2

        이 글은 1994년 본격화된 서울학 연구의 성과들이 어떤 양상을 띠고, 어떤 방향성을 띠었는지 살펴보는데 그 목적이 있다. 1980년대까지 서울연구는 서울市史 연구로 진행되어 서울 내에 위치한 궁궐 및 도성, 도시 건축물의 개별적인 건설 과정, 연혁, 건설규모의 고증과 서울 행정제도사의 파악이 대체적인 연구 목적이었다. 이러한 연구 경향은 1994년 이후 도시공간 구조 도시민의 주체적 행위 등 도시를 대상으로 하는 도시사, 도시학으로 변화하기 시작하였다. 공간연구에서는 도시 건축물의 개별적인 건설 과정에서 벗어나 도시계획 및 주거지 분화에 따른 공간 확장이나 공간분화 양상을 고찰하였으며, 사회연구에서는 각종 도시문제를 주제로 하는 논문들이 발표되어 도시화가 낳은 사회적, 문화적 도시공간의 구조변동이 도시민의 삶의 방식에 미치는 다양성과 복잡성에 대한 역사학적 시도가 이루어졌다. 문화연구에서는 도시이미지 및 정체성과 관련된 연구가 주요 테마로 부각되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 현재 서울학 연구는 많은 연구 과제를 안고 있다. 먼저 전통도시 서울 연구에 있어서 도시성, 수도성의 문제 전통도시의 사회공간구조에 관한 비교유형론적 고찰을 통해 도시의 생성과 변용에 관한 공간론적 연구가 진행될 필요가 있다. 이를 통해 전통도시론의 총괄과 새로운 논점을 제시, 전통도시 연구방법론을 모색해야 한다. 또한 서울학 연구의 대상은 통시적으로는 근대 이후를 벗어나지 못하였으며, 장소적으로는 도성 안에 제한된 상태이다. 결과적으로 서울 로컬리티를 사대문 안에 국한시키고 있기 때문에 지금의 서울 위치에서의 공간문제에 대한 인식을 가지고 좀 더 다양한 서울 연구에 주목할 필요가 있다. 마지막으로 서울을 통해 로컬과 로컬리티를 바라보는 인식에 대한 연구가 부족하다. 로컬리티에 대한 보다 포괄적인 연구의틀과 시각은 비교론적 시각을 통해 일반화할 수 있을 때 마련될 수 있다. 다른 도시와의 관련성, 비교연구를 통해 서울의 도시성과 로컬리티는 확립될 수 있다고 생각된다. This study is conducted to look into what aspects and directions the results of the Seoul studies that started in earnest in 1994 have. Seoul studies focused on the history of Seoul until the 1980s, and they aimed to examine the history and the construction size and understand the history of Seoul administration system through studies on the individual construction process of urban buildings. The limits of Seoul studies have started to be moved to the city history and urbanology aiming at cities such as the structure of urban space and citizens` subjective behaviors since 1994. The spatial study examined characteristics of space expansion or space division according to urban planning and residential area cultures. As studies on many city problems have been published, social studies have made historic attempts about diversity and complexity that structure changes in the social and cultural city space caused by urbanization affect citizens` life style. Cultural studies are characterized by increasing studies on urban image and identity. Despite that, current Seoul studies have many study issues. In terms of studies on traditional city Seoul, firstly, it needs to conduct studies on the theory of space about the creation and change in city ideas through comparative typological studies on problems of urbanism and representivity and social space structures of traditional cities. In addition, Seoul studies are still in modern times diachronically and in a capital city locally. In conclusion, Seoul locality is limited to Sadaemun(the four main gates of old Seoul) so that more various studies on Seoul are required with the awareness of space problems in the current location of Seoul. Lastly, studies on the awareness of viewpoint on locals and locality through Seoul are insufficient. The urbanism and locality can be established through the study on relationship and comparison with other cities.

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        성장기 남녀 체조선수들의 식이섭취, 혈중철분지표, GH와 IGF-1의 비교

        유승희 ( Seung Hee Yoo ),송종국 ( Jong Kook Song ) 한국운동영양학회 2004 Physical Activity and Nutrition (Phys Act Nutr) Vol.8 No.3

        The purpose of the study was to examine interactions between dietary intake, hematological parameters and IGF-I in young gymnasts aged 9-17 years. Subjects included 89 gymnasts (45 boys and 44 girls) aged 9-17 years. All the gymnasts were characterized as being highly competitive and trained 5 days a week, 3.5 hours a day. Dietary intake was evaluated from three randomly assigned days of diet records, including one weekend day and two weekdays. All subjects completed a three day diet record. From these records, average daily intakes of the nutrients were estimated using Computer Aided Nutritional Analysis Program. Blood samples were drawn in the morning after a 12-h fast and were spun at 3000rpm for 5min. Hemoglobin, hematocrit, red blood cell, mean corpuscular volume, mean corpusclar homoglobin concentran, and mean corpuscular hemoglobin were analyzed by automated instrumentation (ADVIA 120, Bayer, USA). Serum iron and total iron binding capacity were determined by auto-anaylzer (HITACHI 7150, Tokyo, Japan) and transferrin saturation was calculated by dividing serum iron concentration by TIBC. The serum was separated and stored at 7000. IGF was extracted from IGFBPs using the acid-ethanol extraction method. GH (growth hormone) and Serum IGF-I concentrations were determined by a Radioimmunoassay (RIA) using the Cobra Gamma Counter- (Packard, USA). The results indicates that there were significant difference for nutrition intakes including energy intakes (p<0.001), protein (p<0.05), fat (p<0.001), carbohydrate (p<0.001), Ca (p<0.05) and Fe (p<0.01) among three groups. Middle school gymnasts has significant higher value for energy intake and Ca than elementary and high school gymnasts. For elementary male gymnasts (3027.7 mg, 12.8 mg) significant higher values (p<0.001) were obtained for Na (3027.7 mg vs 2099.3 mg) and niacin (12.8 mg vs 8.6 mg) compared to female gymnasts. Also significant difference could be obtained for nutrition intakes between middle school male and female gymnasts except for fat, Fe and cholesterol intakes. Male gymnasts has significant higher values for energy intake, protein, carbohydrate, fiber, Ca, P, Na, K, vitaminA, vitamin B1, vitamin B2, niacin, and vitamin C. A similar trend was found for nutrition intakes between male and female high school gymnasts except for calcium. Male gymnasts had higher mean values for all nutrition intakes than female gymnasts. Significant difference were found for tranferrin (p<0.001), hematocrit (p<0.01), hemoglobin (p<0.05), MCV (p<0.001), MCH (p<0.001)and IGF-I (p<0.05) among groups. High school gymnasts had higher mean values for Hct. MCV, and MCH than elementary and middle school gymnasts. IGF-I is significantly related to body weight, BMI, and %fat. Further studies are required to examine the long-term effects of gymnastics training on circulating growth factors.

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        法部 〈起案〉에 나타난 한성부 범죄 양상과 특징

        유승희(Yoo, Seung-Hee) 한국사학회 2010 史學硏究 Vol.- No.98

        본 논문에서는 법부 <기안>에 나타난 조율문건의 자료적 특징과 함께 여기에 소재되어 있는 1896년~1906년 한성부 범죄양상과 범죄인의 특성을 살펴보았다. <기안>에 수록된 범죄 사례는 전체 범죄 중에서도 유종신, 징역 종신 이상의 중죄가 대부분이었지만, 정치범죄를 비롯하여 유품관리들의 수뢰, 횡령 등의 범죄행태, 각종 폭력범죄, 경제범죄, 사회범죄등 중범죄양상에 대해서 90% 이상 살펴볼 수 있었다. 이를 통해 1896년~1906년 한성부에서 발생한 범죄현상에 관한 특징을 다음과 같이 정리하였다. 첫째, 개인의 재산을 침해하거나 위태롭게 하는 재산범죄가 한성부지역에서 광범위하게 행해졌다. 1896년~1906년의 시기동안 법부에서 조율한 재산범죄의 비율은 전체 범죄의 50% 이상을 차지하였으며, 1900년대에는 평균 약 70% 이상으로 증가하였다. 둘째, 개항이후 한성부내의 산업화와 도시화는 도시 내부로 다양한 계층의 사람들을 유입시키는 원인이 되었고, 이는 결과적으로 한성부의 범죄율을 높이는 요인이 되었다. 한성부 범죄인 가운데 45%가 8도의 농민이 상경하여 저지른 것이며, 그 중 57.6%가 경기도민이 행한 것이었다. 한성부가 지방보다 재산범죄가 집중 발생하게 된 이유는 바로 상경지방민들의 강, 절도 행각이 두드러졌기 때문이었다. 셋째, 한성부의 경우 5서 가운데 동서의 범죄율이 가장 높았으며, 지역적으로 4대문 주변이 범죄인의 밀집 지역이었다. 한성부 주요 범죄인 계층은 20세 이상 35세 이하의 연령으로, 상인 및 수공업자의 직역을 가진 자였다. 한성부 거주 범죄인의 경우 상인 및 수공업자의 범죄와 함께 재산 기반이 취약한 일용노동자 및 무업, 유개자 등의 범죄가 다른 직역보다 많았다. 또한 연령층과 범죄 유형의 상관성이 드러나 활동성을 요구하는 강도, 적도, 절도 등의 경우 20세 이상 30세 이하가 전체의 57%를 차지하여 재산범죄를 일으키는 주범으로 파악되었다. 반면 위조의 경우는 26세 이상부터 50세까지 범죄인이 파악되어 다른 범죄에 비해 고른 연령층을 보였으며, 굴총의 경우는 46세 이상 60대까지의 범죄인이 60%이상을 보여 노년층 범죄율의 주범이 되었다. This study looked into properties of the documents in the judicature 〈Drafting Materials(起案)〉 as well as the recorded aspects of Hanseong-bu crimes and criminals’ characteristics between 1896 and 1906. Serious crimes sentenced to life imprisonment and above were mostly among total crimes written in 〈Drafting Materials〉, but major offenses like officials’ bribe and embezzlement including political crimes as well as violence, economic, and social crimes were found to be more than 90%. Through this, characteristics of crimes in Hanseong-bu from 1896 to 1906 were summarized as follows. First, property crimes infringing and threatening individual properties were widely committed in Hanseong-bu. The percentage of property crimes dealt with by the judicature between 1896 and 1906 was over 50%, and it increased by more than average 70% in the 1900s. Second, industrialization and urbanization of Hanseong-bu after the Age of Civilization attracted various classes of people into the city, which finally resulted in increases in crimes of Hanseong-bu. 45% of criminals in Hanseong-bu were committed by the eight level of farmers who came up to the city, and among them 57.6% were from Gyeonggi-do. The reason why property crimes were more intensively generated in Hanseong-bu was due to country people’s robbery and theft. Third, crime rates in Dongseo(東署) were highest and areas around Four Doors(4대문) were the crime-racked districts. Major criminals of Hanseong-bu were between 20 to 35 years old, and they were "Jikyok"(occupational classification) of merchants and craftsmen. Criminals who lived in Hanseong-bu were mostly merchants and craftsmen as well as laborers, unemployed men who had a little properties rather than other "Jikyok". In addition, the relations with ages and crime types were found, so that robbery, theft with activity were committed by those who were 20 to 30 years old(57%), and they were major criminals of property crimes. On the contrary, criminals who were aged 26 to 50 committed forge, which showed even age groups than other crimes. In case of crimes of opening a grave, criminals aged 46 to 60 were shown to be more than 60%, so old people were major criminals of the crime rates.

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        근대 京城 內 遊廓地帶의 형성과 동부지역 도시화 -1904년~1945년을 중심으로-

        유승희(Yoo, Seung-Hee) 부산경남사학회 2012 역사와 경계 Vol.82 No.-

        본 논문은 러일전쟁 이후 도시공간에 내재한 여성의 상품화 구역인 유곽이 형성되는 과정 및 공간변화를 도시화의 측면에서 살펴본 것이다. 유곽이 설치된 1904년의 경성은 식민지의 발판을 마련하는 건설단계였다. 식민권력은 ‘곽(廓)’으로 위치지운 공인된 ‘유녀정(遊女町)’인 신정을 만들어 매춘부를 일반 여자와 차별화하는 전략을 공간적으로 표출하였다. 위생담론이라는 거대 이론과 신체라는 미시적 공간, 거기에 자본이라는 경제논리가 조합된 공간이 신정유곽이었다. 이러한 신정유곽은 시기별 공간성의 변화를 보이며, 청계천 이남 동부 일대의 상업화, 도시화를 촉진시켰다. 1904년 형성된 신정유곽은 1907년 경성 화류계의 대대적인 규제에 따른 비공인 유소(遊所)의 정리 작업으로 신정 주변에 신설 유곽이 형성, 유곽지대가 확대되는 현상이 나타났다. 이와 함께 미개발지였던 신정은 유곽 형성 후 상업시설의 건설과 본정으로 통하는 대도로 및 이를 연결하는 소도로가 개착, 정비되고, 전차노선이 설치되어 경성내 상업지대로 성장하였다. 유곽의 건설을 계기로 청계천 이남 동부 지역은 인구의 이동과 교차가 빈번한 공간으로 재조정되었으며, 이는 격리, 통제라는 공간의 장소성을 점차 퇴각시켜 주택지대라는 장소적 이미지의 변화를 추동하였다. 결과적으로 유곽에 의한 동부의 상업화, 도시화는 이후 전략적으로 주택지대로의 변화라는 공간의 재점유를 유도하였다. This article aims to examine how the licensed quarters, the area internalized in urban space to merchandise women, were formed and how they were changed after the Russo-Japanese Wars from the aspects of urbanization. Gyeongseong(京城) equipped with licensed quarters in 1904 was at the stage of construction to lay the foundation of colonization. The colonial power made Sinjeong(新町), the licensed ‘Yunyeojeong (遊女町)’, that was positioned as ‘the quarters (廓; gwak)’ in order to express the strategy to distinguish prostitutes from ordinary women spatially. Sinjeong, the licensed quarters, were the space where the macroscopic theory of sanitation discourse, the microscopic space of women’s body, and also economic logic, that is, the capital were combined. Sinjeong, the licensed quarters, showed spatial changes by periods, and it accelerated both commercialization and urbanization around the eastern area south of Cheonggye-cheon(淸溪川). In Sinjeong, the licensed quarters, formed in 1904, there were some phenomena that new licensed quarters were built around Sinjeong or the licensed quarters were extended due to the arrangement of non-licensed quarters according to the extensive regulation on the prostitutes in Gyeongseong during 1907. Along with this, Sinjeong, the non-developed area, grew to a commercial zone of Gyeongseong after the formation of the licensed quarters as commercial facilities, big roads to Bonjeong(本町), and small roads connecting them were built and maintained and also the railway was installed. With the construction of the licensed quarters as a start, the east area south of Cheonggye-cheon was readjusted as a place where there was much movement of population and much traffic. This gradually withdrew the spatiality of the place as isolation or control and also drove the change of its spatial image to a housing area. As a result, the commercialization and urbanization in the east area resulted from the licensed quarters induced the reoccupation of the space as a strategic alteration to a housing area afterwards.

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