“Departing from socialism without being aware that it was doing so”: Anglo-American Divergence Over the Question of Hong Kong, 1983-1984

원태준 영국사학회 2023 영국연구 Vol.50 No.-

Upon the start of Sino-British negotiations on the handover of sovereignty of Hong Kong to China in the summer of 1983, the British government led by Margaret Thatcher began providing regular briefings to the United States government after each round of talks with Beijing in order to secure Washington’s support and assistance in assuring the people of Hong Kong that London’s objective of maintaining the British way of life in Hong Kong after the handover will be achieved. However, the Ronald Reagan administration showed deep reluctance to support such an objective by arguing that it was unnecessary to obtain Chinese agreement for the British system to continue in Hong Kong when China was already showing signs of ‘departing from socialism without being aware that it was doing so’. Alarmed at such a laid-back attitude on the part of the Americans, the British government decided to launch a preemptive strike by publicly announcing that the United States had always supported Britain’s Hong Kong policy when the Reagan government refused to distance itself from the Republican Party’s 1984 election manifesto declaring America’s support for self-determination for the people of Hong Kong. In effect cornered into supporting the British position, the Reagan administration finally relented and gave its support for maintaining the British way of life in Hong Kong for 50 years after the handover.

The Evolution of Postwar Britain’s ‘Protecting Power’: An Analysis of Anglo-Swedish Interaction in the Middle East, 1967-1989

원태준 영국사학회 2022 영국연구 Vol.48 No.-

This article examines the development of the process by which Britain chose and established working relationships with her diplomatic Protecting Powers in the postwar years. The appropriate criteria for selecting a Protecting Power was established during Britain’s involvement in the Korean War, and on this basis Sweden was chosen to be Britain’s Protecting Power in Iraq in the aftermath of the Third Arab-Israeli War. Initially, Sweden was deeply reluctant to defend British commercial interests in Iraq, and was also concerned that Britain’s refusal to extend visas for Iraqi diplomatic personnel in London would anger the Arab world and damage Sweden’s position in the region. However, Britain held firm on the necessity of keeping a close watch on commercial interests, and dismissed the visa issue out of hand citing problems of reciprocity. On Sweden becoming Britain’s Protecting Power in Iraq again in 1971, the Swedish government refused to give Britain permission to allow the American State Department to use Britain’s Diplomatic Wireless Service link in order to exchange messages with the US Interests Section at the Belgian embassy in Iraq, thus frustrating Britain’s diplomatic cooperation with her closest ally. Also, when Sweden became Britain’s Protecting Power in Iran following the 1979 Iranian revolution, the Swedish government demanded that the British head of the UK Interests Section exercise restraint over his vocal condemnation of Iran’s human rights record. Such clashes and conflicts over the scope of the authority of the Protecting Power rendered Sweden and Britain to negotiate a formal diplomatic protocol which would clearly spell out a workable arrangement between the two countries when Sweden was once again asked to become Britain’s Protecting Power in Iran following the Salman Rushdie Affair. This led to the signing of the UK/Sweden Agreement on Protection of British Interests in Iran in 1989, a document which has since become a template for Britain’s arrangements with potential Protecting Powers.

Decolonization and Britain’s Attempt to Reform Imperial and Commonwealth History Education, 1955-1958

원태준 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2019 영미연구 Vol.47 No.-

The loss of prestige that Britain suffered as a result of World War II brought about an end to the hegemony of British history in the history curriculum of the Empire, although the immediate postwar history curriculum for Britain remained predominantly Anglo-centric. In early 1956 the British Commonwealth Relations Office and the Ministry of Education decided to hold a conference course attended by Commonwealth history professors and school teachers during the summer of 1957 to devise plans for British students to take more interest in Commonwealth history. However, the government discovered that the Royal Empire Society, the leading members of which were Commonwealth history experts whose advice the government needed, was planning to hold its own conference without government participation. In return for cooperating with the government’s plans, the Royal Empire Society demanded that the government’s conference course not be overseen by a rival body, the Imperial Institute, and that a ‘British Commonwealth Trust’ be established to oversee exchange programs between Britain and the Commonwealth. The Imperial Institute was subsequently dropped as the conference organizer, but the Royal Empire Society still pulled out of supporting the government’s conference course when no progress was made on the establishment of the British Commonwealth Trust. With no clear expert available to supervise the organizing and running of the conference, the government’s plans soon frizzled out and no further attempt to strengthen Commonwealth history education in British schools were made.

Who Blinked First?:Britain, Malaysia and the Dilemma of Concorde, 1977-1979

원태준 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2020 영미연구 Vol.50 No.-

In December 1977, the Malaysian government halted the BA’s Concorde service from London to Singapore by refusing permission for supersonic flights over Malaysian territorial waters. The official reason given was for environmental concerns. But Kuala Lumpur hoped to use Concorde as a bargaining chip to persuade London to renegotiate the Air Services Agreement and allow more Malaysian Airline System flights into London, although MAS was making more money on the route than BA. The British, however, called Malaysia’s bluff and announced that they would shelve the Concorde service before renegotiating the Air Services Agreement, thus removing Concorde from the equation and making it clear that the British had no incentive to grant the Malaysians the additional flights they wanted. Furthermore, the British warned that additional British investment in Malaysia may not happen if the Concorde matter was not resolved. In addition, Australia’s announcement of its International Civil Aviation Policy meant that London was now in a position to grant more Malaysian flights without damaging BA’s interests. Also, technical modifications to the Concorde in late 1978 meant that the plane could fly subsonically over Malaysian waters without incurring a significant payload penalty. The British were now in a very strong position to press the Malaysians into allowing supersonic overflights, since Malaysia would now need to appease the British in order to secure more MAS flights into London. Consequently, Malaysia finally agreed to allow supersonic overflights and the London-Singapore Concorde service resumed in January 1979.

여세추이(與世推移)의 진수를 보여주다 김현수, 『19세기 영국 외무부 형성사』 (채륜, 2020)

원태준 영국사학회 2020 영국연구 Vol.44 No.-

SPMSM의 토크 리플 저감을 위한 스텝 스큐 설계

원태준,박호용,김대기,홍정표 한국자기학회 2017 한국자기학회 학술연구발표회 논문개요집 Vol.2017 No.5

British ‘Guilt’ Concerning Anglo-New Zealand Relations and the Migration of Former IRA Detainees, 1970-1977

원태준 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2023 영미연구 Vol.58 No.-

This article examines how Britain’s deteriorating relations with New Zealand in the early 1970s rendered the London government to accommodate the Wellington administration’s foreign policy decisions at the risk of exposing Britain’s contentious internal policy arrangements to the wider world. Britain’s decision in the late 1960s and early 1970s to withdraw her troops from Southeast Asia and to join the European Economic Community had a negative impact on her diplomatic relations with various Commonwealth partners, including her traditionally strong bond with New Zealand. This was evident in the increasing anti-British sentiment amongst the people of New Zealand and in the introduction of anti-British policies by the Wellington government in the early 1970s. Consequently, Britain actively sought to placate New Zealand’s feelings and to improve Anglo-New Zealand relations by agreeing to accommodate New Zealand Prime Minister Robert Muldoon’s policy of allowing former IRA detainees in Northern Ireland to emigrate to New Zealand, even though this meant that Britain’s controversial detention policy in Northern Ireland could be laid bare to global scrutiny. London’s high-risk decision to give unofficial advice to Wellington on the suitability of candidates for emigration had to be concealed in order to give the impression that the British government was not in any way involved in New Zealand’s decisions. Therefore, when questions were raised in the British Parliament over the question of London’s involvement in Muldoon’s scheme, the British government went so far as to mislead the Commons on the issue.

Euroscepticism and History Education in Britain-An Analysis of Key Stage 3 History Textbooks for England and Wales-

원태준 고려대학교 역사연구소 2017 사총 Vol.91 No.-

This article, by analysing the European content in the most recent Key Stage 3 history textbooks for England and Wales - the KS3 History by Aaron Wilkes series from Oxford University Press and the Making Sense of History series from Hodder Education - seeks to demonstrate a link between euroscepticism and history education in Britain and argues that the omission of European history in the context of the education of British history is a gross misrepresentation of essential facts which fundamentally does not allow the student to understand the full picture as to why British history has evolved the way that it has. Despite the 1215 signing of Magna Carta as a result of medieval England’s defeats in its attempt to establish an anti-French alliance on the continent in order to maintain military pressure on the French and thus strengthen its control of the key ports in Northern France for the security of English shores, the two textbooks make no mention of the security reasons behind the English desire to maintain control of northern France. Furthermore, the textbooks fail to mention that the outbreak of the Hundred Years' War was not so much a result of Philip VI trying to grab whatever English possessions he could get his hands on simply to satisfy his own rapacious desires, but more a result of Philip reacting to the problem of Edward III's opportunistic volte-face in abandoning his intial oath as a loyal vassal of France. For the period from 1509 to 1745, the textbooks fail to mention that Henry Ⅷ’s failure to become Holy Roman Emperor was a contributing factor the English Reformation, that England’s “Financial Revolution” under William Ⅲ occurred due to the king’s preoccupation with continental European affairs, and that the 1707 Act of Union with Scotland was undertaken as a response to the French threat of a possible Stuart succession in Edinburgh. For the period from 1745 to 1901, the textbooks do not talk about the changes in British administrations due to their failures to deal with European matters, the introduction of Britain’s first income tax because of Britain’s need for funds in fighting Revolutionary France, the 1801 Act of Union with Ireland that came about as a result of the 1798 Irish Rebellion that was assisted by Revolutionary France, the repeal of the Corn Laws and the passage of the 1867 Reform Act which were implemented with the intention of strengthening liberalism in Britain and ensuring peace in the international arena in the face of challenges in Europe. Finally, in regards to the 20th century, the textbooks greatly emphasize fascism and the actions of Nazi Germany while providing almost no information on the historical process of European integration.

영국-아일랜드 협력 관계와 북아일랜드의 역사교육 - 유럽지역학 프로젝트(European Studies Project)의 구축, 1984-1986 -

원태준 한국역사교육학회 2018 역사교육연구 Vol.- No.31

This article looks into the collaborative effort among the British, Irish and Northern Irish education authorities in establishing a common history curriculum known as the ‘European Studies Project.’ The Margaret Thatcher government, which came into power in 1979, wanted to solve the problems of the Troubles in Northern Ireland in conjunction with the government of the Republic of Ireland. Recognizing the need for reform in the history curriculum in Northern Ireland in order to heal the wounds of a severely divided community, Britain and Ireland decided to develop the European Studies Project whereby six secondary schools each would be chosen from England, Ireland and Northern Ireland, and the students aged 11 to 15 in these schools would study key issues and events in British and Irish history within the context of Europe and then make curricular contact with students and teachers from the other participating regions through joint field work, residential experiences and information technology. To facilitate the running of the Project, a Director was appointed alongside one field officer from each of the three regions to provide support. A Steering Committee composed of the Chairman, the Secretary, an inspector and an alternate inspector from each region and a curriculum expert from each region was also established to oversee the Project's development and to evaluate its progress. A biennial History Seminar, composed of talks given by history education experts and teachers in the field, was set up to help teachers in their participation in the Project. After the preparatory stage of the Project was completed, subjects such as “The Normans,” “Plantation” and “Attitudes to Conflict, 1912-1921” were chosen to be studied in the participating schools where students from different regions were able to exchange their research via residential experiences or computer conferencing. 이 논문은 북아일랜드의 역사과 교육과정 개발에 잉글랜드, 아일랜드공화국 그리고 북아일랜드가 공동으로 참여했던 ‘유럽지역학 프로젝트’의 구축 과정에 대해 살펴본다. 1979년에 집권한 영국의 마가렛 대처 정부는 1968년에 시작된 ‘북아일랜드 혼란기’의 폭력 사태와 극도의 사회적 갈등을 아일랜드공화국 정부와의 협조를 통해 해결하고자 하였다. 북아일랜드의 극도로 분열된 사회를 치유하기 위해 영국과 아일랜드공화국 정부는 북아일랜드 학교에서 시행되는 역사과 교육과정의 개혁이 필요하다고 판단하였고, 이에 잉글랜드와 아일랜드공화국 및 북아일랜드에서 각각 6개의 중등학교를 시범적으로 선택한 후, 이에 소속된 11세부터 15세까지의 학생들이 공동 현장 학습, 기숙 교환 및 정보통신 기술 활용을 통해 영국과 아일랜드 역사의 주요한 이슈와 사건들을 유럽이라는 틀 안에서 공부하고 서로 다른 지역의 학생들 및 교사들과 학습 내용을 교류하는 작업을 지원하는 유럽지역학 프로젝트를 출범시키기로 결정하였다. 프로젝트의 원활한 수행을 위하여 총괄책임자 및 각 지역 당 한 명의 현직 교사 출신 현장담당자가 임명되었고, 프로젝트의 전반적인 운영을 평가하고 감독하기 위해 위원장과 총무를 비롯하여 각 지역 당 장학사 1명과 보조장학사 1명, 교육 과정 전문가 1명 등으로 구성된 운영위원회가 설립되었다. 또한 참여 교사들이 학생들에게 더욱 양질의 역사 교육을 제공하는 것을 돕기 위해 영국사 및 아일랜드사 교육과 관련하여 2년마다 한 차례씩 각 프로젝트 참여국을 대표하는 교육감, 역사 교육 관련 학자들 및 역사 교사들이 참가하여 정해진 주제에 대해 발표하고 워크샵을 진행하는 학회가 개최되었다. 이러한 구축 과정을 거친 유럽지역학 프로젝트는 논란의 여지가 있는 역사적 사건을 피하지 않고 전자메일, 컴퓨터 화상 회의 등 정보통신 기술을 활용할 수 있는 기회를 제공한다는 원칙에 따라 “노르만족,” “식민,” “분쟁에 대한 반응, 1912-1921” 등 세 과목을 선정, 참여 학생들이 담당 교사들의 도움을 받아 자기 지역에 존재하는 과목 관련 유적 또는 자료 등을 연구하여 그 결과물을 다른 지역 학교의 학생들에게 기숙 교환 또는 정보통신 기술을 통하여 주고받고 비교 분석을 하는 방식으로 수업을 진행하도록 하였다. 비록 영국의 철수로 공식 출범한지 6년만인 1992년에 만료되었으나 초국경적 협력으로 만들어진 역사과 교육과정을 통하여 북아일랜드의 미래 세대가 더 나은 사회를 건설하기 위한 여건을 마련해 주고 희망을 불어넣어 주고자 했던 유럽지역학 프로젝트의 도전 정신은 우리에게 시사하는 바가 크다고 하겠다.

연구논문 : 교사의 인권인가, 학생의 인권인가? -영국의 학교 내 체벌 제도의 폐지 과정 1937-1986-

원태준 ( Tae Joon Won ) 영국사학회 2015 영국연구 Vol.34 No.-

이 논문은 1937년부터 1986년까지 영국의 학교 내 체벌 폐지와 관련된 정치 및 행정 과정을 살펴본다. 영국 교육당국은 19세기 후반부터 학생에게 체벌을 가할지 여부의 판단을 교사들에게 맡겨야 한다는 원칙을 고수하였다. 하지만 제2차 세계 대전에서 전체주의 세력과 맞서 싸운 경험으로 인하여 1930년대 후반부터 학교 내 체벌 폐지 요구가 영국 사회 여기저기서 터져 나오기 시작하였다. 1944년 교육법으로 설립된 교육부는 체벌 폐지와 관련하여 영국 교사들을 설문조사한 결과 대부분이 반대의사를 밝힌 것으로 나타나자, 체벌 문제는 중앙 정부가 아닌 지방교육청에서 다룰 문제라고 발표하고 1950년 내내 책임을 회피하였다. 1960년대 초반에 장애 학생들을 교육하는 특수학교에서 체벌을 가하는 문제가 제기되자 중앙정부는 장애 학생에 대한 체벌만이라고 우선 폐지할 의지를 보였으나, 체벌 폐지가 일반학교로 퍼질 것을 두려워하고 체벌이 폐지될 경우 학급에 대한 교사의 통제가 불가능해질 수 있음을 우려한 교원단체들의 반대로 무산되었다. 결국 1976년과 1977년에 자식의 체벌을 원하지 않았던 스코틀랜드의 두 가족이 영국 정부를 유럽인권재판소에 제소하기에 이르렀고, 영국 정부가 이러한 부모의 뜻을 존중할 의무가 있다는 판결이 1982년에 나옴으로써 당시의 마가렛 대처 정권은 1986년에 모든 공립학교 내에서의 체벌을 폐지하기에 이르렀다. This article delves into the political and administrative process of the abolition of corporal punishment in British schools from 1937 to 1986. British education authorities had, since the late 19th century, formally accepted the principle of allowing the teachers to decide on the appropriateness of inflicting corporal punishment on their students. But this viewpoint was challenged from the late 1930s onwards not least due to Britain`s experience of fighting the forces of totalitarianism during World War II, and sections within British society began to demand the abolition of corporal punishment in schools. The Ministry of Education, established by the Education Act of 1944, conducted a nationwide survey of teachers of whom most opposed the abolition of corporal punishment, and subsequently the Ministry took evasive action during the 1950s by declaring that the subject of corporal punishment was one that had to be dealt not by the central government but by the local education authorities which were established across the country. The issue flared up again in the beginning of the 1960s with the question of special schools inflicting corporal punishment on mentally or physically handicapped children under their supervision. Despite the willingness of the government - supported not least by the Plowden Report - to abolish corporal punishment for handicapped children to begin with, the attempt was thwarted by groups such as the National Union of Teachers and the Association for Special Education who feared that such exceptions would lead to the expansion of the abolition into normal schools, and that classes could become uncontrollable without such measures. In the end, the British government was taken to the European Court of Human Rights in 1976 and 1977 by two Scottish families who did not want their child to receive corporal punishment in school. The Court`s finding in 1982 that the British government was obliged to respect a parent`s wish on this issue forced the Thatcher administration in 1986 to abolish corporal punishment in all British state schools.