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      • KCI등재

        연구논문 : 중국 실업 노동자들의 탈사회주의화 과정에 관한 연구

        원재연 ( Jae Youn Won ) 한국문화인류학회 2006 韓國文化人類學 Vol.39 No.2

        The Chinese working class has been devastated, degraded, and marginalized, to the point of becoming an underclass of unemployed workers who subsist on probationary, temporary, and part-time employment, or else existing as an industrial reserve army excluded from the state enterprises. Based upon ethnographic fieldwork in China, I argue that the Chinese state has withdrawn material forms of support for workers, at the same time that an ethic of individualism and entrepreneurship has been propagated among the workers. Forceful socialist propaganda and despotic capitalist labor practices are applied to make the unemployed workers into subjects of the market. In this paper, I attempt to capture the complex process of unmaking of the former class of socialist workers and making them anew as Homo economicus. This process is neither free nor independent, but rather is a political invention of governmental agencies.

      • KCI등재

        사회학적 에스노그라피의 모색 -마이클 부라보이의 사례확장방법을 중심으로-

        원재연 ( Jae Youn Won ) 한국사회역사학회 2010 담론 201 Vol.13 No.1

        The purpose of this paper is to investigate the compatibility of ethnography with sociology through a careful examination on Burawoy`s extended case method. It has been very controversial whether there is truly ethnography for investigating the empirical world in the tradition of Korean sociology. There are scarcely empirical studies employing ethnography, except one or researches on lives of urban poor people in Korea. Unlike ethnography in anthropology, the extended case method in sociology usually deploys participant observation to understand people`s everyday lives in socially and historically specific contexts, and to locate them in the macro structures of global capitalist society. Therefore, the extended case method would be a useful tool to trace historical and structural changes of people`s daily living by connecting the micro level of analysis with its macro dimension.

      • 사회주의 도시의 전환: 글로벌 도시로서의 상하이 1979-1996

        원재연 ( Jae Youn Won ) 연세대학교 사회발전연구소 2010 현대사회와 문화 Vol.30 No.-

        본 논문은 중국의 개방 개혁 이후(1979-1996) 상하이의 경제 발전을 분석하며 상하이가 글로벌 도시로 분류될 가능성을 탐색한다. 상하이라는 특수한 상황에서 사센(1991)의 ‘글로벌 도시’ 개념의 타당성을 검토하며, 부족한 역사적, 제도적 분석틀을 제시하는 데 의의를 둔다. 사회주의 국가 중국의 경제 발전 후발 주자 상하이는 푸동신구 조성과 중앙 정부의 제도적 개혁 및 지원을 통해 21세기 중국의 금융·서비스 중심지, 즉 용머리(龍頭)로 떠올랐다. 사회주의 국가의 시장 경제 체제 이행 과정에서 정부의 발전 계획과 함께 성장한 상하이는 금융 및 서비스가 경제의 주 요소로 부상하는 등 글로벌 도시의 특징들을 보여주고 있다. 그러나 여전히 그 규모와 범위 측면에서 볼 때 상하이를 글로벌 도시로 분류하는 것은 시기상조로 보인다. The purpose of this paper is to examine Shanghai`s potentials to be the `Global City` by examining the economic development of Shanghai since the reform period (1979-1996). I make an effort to illuminate the validity of the concept of the `Global City` in the context of Shanghai, and try to cover the `blank spot` of Sassen`s analysis, the lack of historical and institutional framework. Shanghai, a late developing city under Chinese socialism, has risen as a financial and service center for China in the 1990`s. As its reform experiences show, Shanghai was not even a regional or a national center for the initial period of reform period. Only after rejoining one of fourteen coastal cities in 1984, and only after the establishment of Pudong New Area and consequent interests from the central government, has Shanghai risen as a Dragon Head for China as a leading financial center for China`s 21stcentury. Shanghai`s complex process of reform and opening up indicates that economic development occurs in a historical context with constraints and opportunities, and that regional development cannot be separated from national development strategy in the Chinese context. Shanghai has shown some similar trends as a Global City, i.e. the emergence of finance and service as the major components of economy. However, it is still premature to consider Shanghai as a Global City in terms of scale and scope.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재후보

        서세동점과 동학의 창도

        원재연(Won, Jae-youn) 忠北大學校 中原文化硏究所 2013 중원문화연구 Vol.21 No.-

        From its birth, Dong-Hag(東學), Eastern learning founded by Choi Je-woo in 1861 at Cyeong-joo in Choseon dynasty, has been Opposite consciousness against Catholicism so called Western learning. So it has naturally confederative awareness with Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism as traditional religions in Choseon dynasty, but it has antagonism against Catholicism advancing East Asia with powerful military force. Choi Shi-hyeong, the second highest leader of Dong-Hag thought that to stopping prevalence of Catholicism is more important than to depending western invasion against Choseon dynasty in mid-19th centuries. He regard that is more fundamental and more immediate than this, because of his anger against Catholicism betrayed homeland Choseon. During the military struggle in 1894 in Choseon, some Catholics were murdered, plundered by peasant army followers of Dong-Hag. Though they usually offered Catholics insult or threatened with death without apostatizing Catholicism, but restrained from slaying Catholics mercilessly. It was partially because that they have “together spirit” with Catholics, owing to suffering from ruling class, and partially because their leader stressed always human right towared poor people.

      • KCI등재

        The Contradictory Locations of the Intellectuals in State Socialism: A Case of the Cultural Revolution in China

        원재연 ( Jae Youn Won ) 연세대학교 사회과학연구소 2008 社會科學論集 Vol.39 No.2

        The purpose of this paper is to explore the nature of inequality under state socialism through a careful examination of the nature of the Cultural Revolution. First, I review the New Class Theory on state socialism to understand the positions of intellectuals under state socialism. I argue that state socialism is not a classless society nor a workers` state, but a new class society in which the power of capital is replaced by the power of knowledge. If the intellectuals are really the ruling class in state socialism, can the Cultural Revolution be understood as an effort to eliminate the privileges of the intellectuals? In other words, was the Cultural Revolution a Revolution against cultural capital? Or was it merely an example of conflict between two groups of the ruling class, namely bureaucracy and intellectuals in state socialism? My discussion centers on how to understand the characteristics of the Cultural Revolution with the positions of intellectuals under state socialism in this contradictory sense.

      • KCI등재

        논문(論文) : 동북지역출신 80후세대에 대한 사례연구 -료녕성 선양, 잉코우 두 도시를 중심으로

        형요 ( Yao Xing ),원재연 ( Jae Youn Won ) 고려대학교 중국학연구소 2015 中國學論叢 Vol.49 No.-

        The purpose of this paper is to analyze the characteristics of the “post-80`s generation” in Northeast region in China. The “post-80” generation means the new cohort of the Chinese who were born between 1980 and 1989. The “post-80`s generation” is generally considered as a spoiled generation without maturity, humility and responsibility. They are also regarded as individualistic risk takers. Since China`s reform and opening up, the “post-80`s generation” have been benefited from the expansion of higher education enrollment, as the product of “the one child” policy. This study attempts to analyze the characteristics of the “post-80`s generation. In comparison with the coastal south region, the northeastern region owes a more distinguishing feature of the planned economy and the strong legacy from socialism. Shenyang and Yingkou were chosen as the study areas, and with qualitative data, this study tries to offer a new understanding of this generation.

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