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      • 한국에서의 한일조약 반대운동의 논리

        오오타 오사무 역사학연구소 2001 역사 연구 Vol.- No.9

        The opposition movement against Korea-Japan Treaty has the logic as follows. First, it pointed out that this treaty did not mean the clean elimination of colonial domination history. That is to say, the oppositionists criticized that the liquidation of Japanese imperialism and the aggressionbehavior by the Japanese imperialists as the essential purpose was not formally recordedin this treaty. Second, they also criticized the low attitude of Korean government. This critic was distinctively seen during the bargaining time related to the right of claim between two government. They emphasized that Korea had not become the signatory state of 'the peace treaty to Japan' which had defined the issues of reparation by Japanese government, that the rights of claim to the properties and the bills of debt were the only recognition by Japan instead of the demandable rights for essential and complete reparation by the unrighteous interception, and that the amount of money related to the right of claim was not suitable for the compensation of Korea and Korean in the light of their sacrifice by the colonial exploitation and war through 40 years. Third, they showed the warning against 'new Japanese imperialism'. In other to say, this opposition force pointed out that Japanese capital could invade Korea again by means of 'assistance without payment', 'assistance with payment' and 'commercial loan' and so on, and it had big risk that Korean economy would subordinate to Japanese economy. Their perception was based on the logic of 'the theory of new colonialism' and 'economic aggression of new imperialism'. They insisted that Korean economy never escape the forever subordinated structure under the domination of Japanese capital, if typical and vertical relation of division which was based on the import of the heavy-chemical industrial products from Japan and the export of first industry from Korea was more and more established through the erosion of Japanese capital and product. Meanwhile, A part of intellectuals and students suggested the alternative to the system of K-J treaty. First of all, they suggested 'the Korean nationalism'. they insisted that Korean nationalism represent the public's thoughts, and that it be able to make the public express their ideas; furthermore, they insisted it should combine therole and participation of the public and if Korean nationalism of the past had been 'the participation in history by the public'. Besides, they insisted that it need to attain the democracy and universality, and that it also develope 'the opened united front' of anti-monopoly, anti-war for peace and democracy. Therefore, it seems that the opposition movement against Korean-Japan treaty showed 'the opened Korean nationalism' to the world. Conclusively, 'Korean nationalism' has premised the discussion of unification that peaceful unification of two Koreas was more important than the system ofK-J treaty. As we showed above, this opposition movement criticized the system of Korea-Japan treaty as the another expression of cold war. This logic is the same as their opposition to the American plan for regional integration and the despatch the troops to the Vietnam war. Lastly, this movement suggested the problem solution by the exchange of grass-roots from two countries, Korea and Japan, However, Park's authority prosecuted the logic of this movement with physical and political violence as we could show in 'the incident of June 3rd'. In conclusion, this movement could not develope its logic any more.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        일기를 통해 본 전통과 근대, 식민지와 해방 해방직후 어느 노동자의 일상생활 -인천의 전기공 I씨의 일기로부터-

        오오타오사무 ( Osamu Ota ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2012 民族文化硏究 Vol.57 No.-

        This paper aims to unveil a partial history of the daily life of a commoner who lived in the time immediately after the liberation of Korea by analyzing the diary of Mr. I, a worker in Incheon, from September 1945 to 1947. In particular, we will look at various aspects of Mr. I`s daily life in order to inquire into how Mr. I received the liberation and what it meant to him. Shortly after the liberation, the Incheon electrician Mr. I welcomed the U.S. forces stationed in Korea, and participated in political events like March 1st Declaration of Independence Day and August 15th Liberation Day, celebrating the liberation of Korea and hoping for the independence of Korea. At Mr. I`s workplace, the Incheon branch of the Gyeongseong Electric Company, workers held strikes four times. Mr. I was initially an active participant, but became critical of them in the end. As for his personal life, while he worked in rationing in hard living conditions with inflation and food and goods shortage, he also went out to see surprisingly many films and plays. He also enjoyed various tangible and intangible culture of 美國(Miguk: the United States of America) such as American movies and products. However, it was the traditional lifestyle, Buddhism and folk beliefs that were most influential in Mr. I`s daily life. Mr. I`s feelings towards the liberation is shown most prominently in the sentence that he wrote in the diary on the first Korean New Year after the liberation; When the whole family gathered in the morning to eat tteokguk (rice cakes in soup), the sound of chewing on tteok sounded as if saying peaceful, peaceful. The sound of chewing on tteok and peaceful, peaceful would have been the honest feelings not only of Mr. I, but of all the people liberated from colonial rule and the wartime regime. With such feelings, Mr. I hoped for the independence of Korea in terms of politics, and with his own life he hoped for the future success and happiness and his and his family`s health and safety.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        ‘4월혁명’과 일본

        오타 오사무 고려대학교 역사연구소 2010 사총 Vol.71 No.-

        This paper studies the perception of the April Revolution in Japan. In particular, it studies the perception of the media and scholars of Japanese newspapers and magazines as well as the Korean community from the Revolution till now. Immediately after the April Revolution, it was perceived as a “riot(폭동)” by Japanese media and scholars. The perception was based on Japanese type orientalism and the Cold War, however it was basically a fight for democratization from the authoritarian Rhee Syngman Government. The member of Korean Association of Korean Residents(조총련) in Japan did not perceive it as a riot, but rather a “people’s uprising(인민봉기)” where the people believed that a true revolution was to defeat American imperialism and achieve peaceful reunification of the Fatherland. Other perceptions included “struggle for democracy(민주화투쟁)” and “democratic revolution in South Korea(한국민주혁명)”. Documentations thereafter record this as “people’s uprising”, “incomplete revolution(미완의 혁명)”, “movement for democracy(민주화운동)” and “April Revolution(4월혁명)”. In Japan, the April Revolution is known as a movement towards democracy, a “movement for democracy” or “democracy revolution(민주혁명)”.

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