송대(宋代) 동아(東亞) 해외상(海外上) 표류민(漂流民)의 발생(發生)과 송환(送還)

배숙희 중국사학회 2010 中國史硏究 Vol.65 No.-

빈민지역의 역사적 고찰

배숙희 경북대학교 문리과대학 지리학회 1990 地理學論究 Vol.- No.10-11

This research puts emphases on the conceptualization of urban poor occurrence and its development processes in Korea. The urban poor can be denoted a group of people who live under the minimum level of basic needs. Those are mainly occurred in line with materialization, the core sector of capitalism society to peripheral sector in the means of production. The occurrences and reorganization of urban poor are: 1) The poor class in Chosun dynasty, could be classified to the lowest class, slaves and underprivileged. 2) Colonial government disrupted the agricultural bases, which small farm holders were resulted in to be fell into the share croppers and to move to urban area in the status of urban poor. The poor migrated from rural area was caused by the 'pushed factor', so that they were at the status of homeless and jobless situation. They were not afford to purchase house and consequently they used to settle in unlawful territory. They were numbered up 160 thousand and some of them were drafted for military labor during World War II. 3) Most Koreans were fell into urban poor during disorder periods, Liberation and Korean war. Migrated population from Japan and elsewhere counted on 2,535,000 and 50 percent of them were fell into the urban poor. They settled and occupied in illegal public places such as hillside, riverside, park. They were named in various ways 'tent touse', 'sod house', 'clay house', and 'cotton box house' The Korean War brought large tides of migration. The refugees moved into urban area avoiding turmoil rural area and molded another type of urban squatter. They occupied public land by settled down in a pattern of 'cotton box', 'tent', 'junked car', 'abandon ship', 'cave', 'sod' for their housing. 4) During economic development period since 1960, urban migration, from agricultural sectors to industrial sector became urban poor class. Those urban poor were created in shifting rural poor to urban area, who were also marginalized in the process of industrilaization, which government policy put weight on industry ignoring agricultural sector. They settled on the same pattern which experienced in liberation and war period. They gathered in squatter area and enjoy the places because they can enjoy poor way of living and offering various kinds of jobs to them.

유고슬라비아 내전의 정치지리학적 고찰

배숙희 慶北大學校 社會科學大學 地理學科 1996 地理學論究 Vol.- No.16

대구의 빈민지역 형성과정과 공간분포의 특성 ( Process and Spatial Distribution of Wquatter Settlement in Taegu )

배숙희 대한지리학회 1996 대한지리학회지 Vol.31 No.3

宋代 進士科와 宮人層의 형성

裵淑姬 동선사학회 1995 성신사학 Vol.12ㆍ13 No.-

원대 탐라목장과 포구, 해로의 복원-디지털지도를 중심으로-

배숙희 중국사학회 2022 中國史硏究 Vol.- No.139

Historical journal resources like Namsaillok that provides information on time and space. Based on useful information in the historical resoarces, like the exact location of the eighty Jeju ports or the places said to be related to Jeju horses, it was possible to mark the locations of the eastern and western Aimaq. Tamla ranch was one of the 14 national-run ranches in the Yuan Dynasty. The Yuan government sent an administrator to manage the ranch and there was no significant difference in operation when compared with ranches in the Yuan Dynasty. The Hachi, who came to Tamla to raise horses during the Yuan Dynasty, entered the family register of Jeju when the Ming Dynasty was involved in the horse administration, and it is guessed that they were classified as a surname of the Yuan dynasty. The locations of ports and horses transportation were very closely related. For example, the locations for breeding Jeju horses in the Western Aimaq areas, Chagwijin could have been at Seorimpo or nearby ports. Since the ranges for breeding Jeju horses were extended, Susan field, where the Eastern Aimaq areas were located, is related to the port of Seogwipo. Myeongwolpo, which was located near the 6th place for breeding horses in the Choseon Dynasty, was an important port for transporting horses and was also related to the distribution of the Hachi. It is not quite sure that horses departing from Myeongwolpo were transported to Zhejiang Dinghai by way of Mokpo, but this route was important as a way of transporting horses. There are two routes between Sourth Jeolla Province and Jeju: one route is leaving Naju for Haenam port using water channels by way of Muan and departing from Haenam port to Jeju; the other one departing from Kangjin, Hanam, or Youngam, which are located on the coast. Ships were sailed by using a north(or northwest) wind for trips from Jeollanam to Jeju and by using a east wind(or southeast) for reversed trips. It is thought that the route between Jeju Myeongwolpo and Dinghai in the southeast of China existed based on the information of the drifters who had left Jeju and had drifted near Choojado, and the return of the Jeju-born who had drifted in China. This southern sea route is a short distance. In the case of the port to the west of Jeju, especially Myeongwolpo was recorded as an common landing site for drifters during the Song Dynasty and the Ming and Qing period after the Yuan Dynasty. However, what was recorded as a port of China in the sources of the Yuan Dynasty is related to raising horses in Tamla, transporting horses to China, and traveling between Tamla and China. Although Jeju sometimes belonged to the Yuan Dynasty and sometimes was directly ruled by the Koryeo, we saw earlier that most of the authority over Tamla horses belonged to China. Jeju’s Sulryeok Routes started at the east gate of Jeju Fortress and returned to the west gate after making a complete trip around Jeju along the coast, when Lizheng traveled by this route, the reason to emphasize solidarity at the national level and to protect Jeju from Wokou. The ports with military forts were not concentrated in the east of Jeju, which is close to Japan, but were distributed throughout Jeju except for the northern section area. There were many military ports in the west close to the route between China and Japan. It is true that Jeju Island is on the southern border of the Korean Peninsula, but the reason that Jeju was able to go beyond the border was because there was a ranch to raise horses in Tamla managed by the Yuan Dynasty, and external ports in the late Yuan and the early Ming Dynasty were frequently used. QGis(3.4), ArcGis(아크맵 10.6)에서 디지털 지도를 제도하고 Adobe 포토샵(2022), 어도비 일러스트레이터(2022) 등의 디지털 기술을 활용하여 연대를 포함한 80여 개의 제주의 포구를 디지털 지도로 만들 수 있었다. 제주 포구의 정확한 위치가 표시되었기 때문에 이를 바탕으로 원나라때 동서아막의 위치나 목마와 관련있다고 전해지는 장소나 포구를 표기할 수 있고 조선시대의 10소장과도 비교할 수 있었다. 탐라 목장은 원나라 14개 국영 목장의 하나로 원나라에서 다루가치 등의 관료를 파견하여 관리하고 운영면에서도 중국 내지의 목장과 큰 차이가 없었다. 원나라 시기, 목마에 종사하기 위해 탐라로 왔던 합적은 명나라가 제주 마정에 관여하면서 (제주의) 호적에 들어가게 되어 원나라의 성씨로 분류되었을 거라고 생각한다. 원대에 서귀포, 당포, 대포, 서림포, 명월포의 대외 포구는 탐라에서 시작된 목마와 관련이 있을 뿐만 아니라 강성해진 합적의 토벌과도 관련이 있다. 서아막, 차귀진의 목마 장소는 서림포나 근처의 포구와 관련이 있을 것이며 동아막이 있던 수산평도 후엔 목마의 범위가 넓어졌으므로 서귀포나 서쪽의 포구와 관련이 있을 것이다. 또한 여느 포구보다 기록이 많이 남아 있는 포구는 명월포이다. 조선시대의 6소장 근처에 위치하였는데 공마의 수송이나 합적 세력의 분포와도 관련이 있다. 절강성 정해현은 북송 중기이후부터 원대까지 고려(탐라포함)에서 도착할 수 있는 유일한 포구였다. 제주를 출발하여 추자도 부근에서 표류되었던 표류민의 정보와 중국에 표류되었던 제주 출신 표류민의 귀환을 통해 제주 명월포-중국 동남지역의 정해현 항로는 존재하였다고 생각되며, 남방 해로의 항로 또한 공간적으로 비교적 짧은 거리이다. 제주 서쪽의 포구, 특히 명월포의 경우는 원대 이전의 송대나 이후 명청시기엔 표류민의 표착지로서의 기록이 남아 있지만 원대의 사료에선 대 중국 포구로 기록되어 있는 것은 탐라의 목마, 공마, 인적 왕래와 관련이 있다. 제주는 때론 원나라에 귀속되기도 하고, 때론 고려가 직접 지배하기도 했지만 탐라마에 대한 권한은 대부분 중국(원나라, 명나라)에게 있었음을 앞에서 살펴보았다. 육지에서 제주도로 가고자 하면 나주에서 무안을 거쳐서 해남에서 출발하는 노선과 강진, 해남, 영암의 포구에서 출발할 수 있었다. 전남에서 제주로 갈 때는 (서)북풍을 이용하며 제주에서 전남으로 나올때는 동(남)풍을 이용하였다. 제주를 오가는데 풍향이 중요하기 때문에 예상치 않게 많은 시일이 소요되며 도착지의 포구에 변동이 있었다. 뿐만 아니라, 풍향은 언제든지 바뀔 수 있고 기상은 예측불허여서 전남과 제주의 중간에 있는 추자도나 소안도는 왕래에 있어서 중요한 경유지가 되었다. 제주도에서 전남으로 갈 때, 특히 위험하므로 추자도 근처에서 표류되면 중국이나 일본 등에 표착되었다. 조선시대 제주의 순력은 대부분 제주 읍성에서 동문을 나와 동쪽 방향의 해안가로 이동하여 제주를 한바퀴 돌고 서문으로 들어왔다. 이증(李增)이 순력하였을 당시 국가적인 차원에서 포구 주변의 연대를 중시한 것은 왜구의 침입을 방어하기 때문이었다. 제주와 중국 동남지역과는 왕래가 있었기 때문에 중국 동남지역에서 왜구를 물리친 경험이 제주에서도 공유될 수 있었으리라 생각된다. 앞의 순력노선에서 살펴보았지만, 연대가 있는 포구는 일본과 가까운...

宋代 進士科에 關한 一考察

裵淑姬 동선사학회 1991 성신사학 Vol.9 No.-

송대의 과거제도와 지방교육

배숙희 한국중국학회 2000 중국학보 Vol.41 No.-

N/A

초등수학에서 상호글쓰기를 통한 학습이 수학적 의사소통 능력 및 수학적 성향에 미치는 영향

배숙희,박만구 한국초등수학교육학회 2008 한국초등수학교육학회지 Vol.12 No.2

본 연구에서는 초등수학에서 상호글쓰기를 통한 활동이 수학적 의사소통 능력 및 수학적 성향에 미치는 영향을 조사하고 분석하여, 이러한 상호글쓰기 활동이 수학적 의사소통 능력에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 살펴보았다. 이를 위하여 상호글쓰기 학습을 적용하기 위한 기반을 조성하고, 3-나 수학과 교육과정을 분석하여 개념 형성 수업, 원리 발견 수업, 문제 해결 수업으로 분류하여 차시를 추출하고, 그에 맞는 상호글쓰기 학습지를 개발하여 적용하였다. 연구 결과, 첫째, 상호글쓰기 활동은 수학적 의사소통 능력의 영역 중 말하기(토의하기), 쓰기, 표상하기 영역에 있어서 효과적이었으며, 둘째, 학생들의 수학적 성향에 긍정적인 영향을 미치며, 특히 수학적 흥미, 수학을 공부하고자 하는 의지, 수학의 중요성을 깨닫고 필요하다고 느끼는 가치 부분에서 긍정적으로 효과가 있음을 알 수 있었다. This study is to help to understand the influence of exchange writing activity in the elementary mathematics on students' mathematical communication skill. Various technical activities had been implemented during the classes and the ideas from those activities had been interpreted into writings in the final stage of the classes. Those writings, then, were distributed to other students or teachers in order to devise a teaching model for exchange writing, which is to be applied to the 3rd grade classes and to identify the influence on the in mathematical communication skill. From this study, we could get such conclusions as follows: First, there was considerable difference between experimental group practicing exchange writing and control group engaging in normal learning activities in the progress of their mathematical communication skill (group discussion), writing skill and expressivity when examining their average communication skill using t-method. Similar trend had been witnessed when self-evaluating their mathematical communication skill. Second, when it comes to the mathematical tendency, experimental group showed a higher tendency in positiveness compared to the control group. Therefore, we might conclude that the exchange writing has a positive influence on the students' mathematical tendency, especially on their curiosity or interest in teaming, willingness to study and their comprehension of its importance

논문(論文) : 元나라의 탐라(耽羅) 통치와 이주(移住), 그리고 자취

배숙희 중국사학회 2012 中國史硏究 Vol.76 No.-

元朝統治中國時期,耽羅處於蒙古帝國的統治之下,所以在那裡居住著許多中國的官員、牧人、流放人和軍人.早在元世祖爲了征服南宋和日本,耽羅是蒙元帝國最爲關注的地方.元朝於至元十年(1273)平定三別抄的抗蒙勢力以後,從至元十二年(1275)設立耽羅國招討司開始,陸續設立了軍民都達魯花赤總管府、耽羅按撫使、耽羅軍民萬戶府、耽羅國軍民安撫司、耽羅萬戶府.包括達魯花赤在內的官員一部分直接由元朝派遣,一部分則由耽羅人擔當.特別是耽羅國軍民安撫司的達魯花赤(正3品)、總管(從3品)、按撫司事(正5品)、司獄(從8品)等官職有實證記載.元朝對耽羅的統治和中國內地的邊遠地區統治行政系統非常相似,這也是考慮到耽羅的地域特點的緣故.在耽羅擔任過達魯花赤的人物中任期最長,權力最大的就是塔刺赤,他是曾任耽羅招討司招討使的失裏伯的兒子,也是最後一任達魯花赤奴列니他的父親.失裏伯雖然被任命爲招討使,但是沒有到耽羅赴任.他的兒子塔剌赤軍民都達魯花赤總管府和耽羅(國軍民)安撫司的達魯花赤、孫子奴列니他也在耽羅擔任了耽羅國軍民安撫司達魯花赤(正3品).在耽羅達魯花赤是世襲制的,這和中國內地一樣.塔剌赤在耽羅任達魯花赤的時候,時逢元朝兩次東征日本,失敗後也必需要繼續準備,所以忽必烈任命塔剌赤爲耽羅達魯花赤,長期計劃完成這些任務.塔剌赤的家們從先祖開始爲元朝對外戰爭所重用,可以確知塔剌赤在耽羅的時候享有相當高的權力.成宗大德四年設置耽羅總管府,第二年改名爲耽羅軍民萬戶府,在『元史』裡記載名爲耽羅軍民總管府,屬於征東行省.所以高麗人樸景亮也耽任過達魯花赤.此外,耽羅歸還高麗後,元朝也派來過達魯花赤和其他官員.因爲耽羅是元朝皇室牧場其中之一,所以有部分牧人過來放牧.這部分人叫哈赤.雖然不知道元朝的皇室牧場飼養的牛馬向元朝進供了多少,但是耽羅持續進貢牛肉、소油、毛皮、牛脯、鞍具等,這也達到了元朝在耽羅開피牧場的目的.耽羅是元朝的軍隊駐紮地,在鎭壓完三別抄後,又駐紮了征服日本的蒙漢軍.元世祖死後,每當日本發動侵略戰爭,耽羅總是成爲第一戰場.這和元朝的海防有著密切的關系,所以元朝非常重視耽羅的海防.耽羅當初是元朝犯人流放地,開始的時候一次性流放了幾十名盜賊和罪人,他們可能被用於後來的對日戰爭.此後也陸續流放了地位比較高的人,如魏王阿木哥、徽政院使羅源、패蘭奚大王等.元朝統治耽羅約90年的時間,尋조其統治的痕跡最難的就是資料嚴重不足.從朝鮮時期的史料來看,陸地人眼裡濟州島的異國因素是근元朝的統治密切相關的.中國人移居以後,在中國國內조不到資料記載,濟州島的族譜也基本上沒有保留下來.在這種情況下,我們只能通過『新增東國輿地勝覽』、『東史綱目』、『朝鮮氏族通譜』、『戶籍中草』等材料來硏究,結果發現,元朝時期中國人以各種各樣的方式移居到濟州島.自``大元``有趙、李、石、肖、薑、鄭、張、宋、江、周、秦十個姓氏,來自``雲南``的有梁、安、薑、對四個姓氏.雖然來自``大元``的數量不多,但是還是占了흔大的比重,還有一點就是耽羅在元朝是흔重要的一個地區,曾有多種類型的人口移居,移居的元人中這些移民不是都蒙古族,,其中也有漢人、南人和色目人.但特別是達魯花赤、牧人等大部分是蒙古族,所以濟州島和馬有關的用語也留下不少.