新人事 制度로서의 能力主義 人事制度 실시방안

박원용 慶北大學校 經營大學院 1997 最高經營者課程 論文集 Vol.- No.26

한정숙, 『시베리아 유형의 역사: 격리 형벌, 계몽, 자유』 (민음사, 2017)

박원용 한국서양사학회 2019 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.140

에지 영역을 고려한 호모모르픽 웨이브렛 기반 MMSE 필터를 이용한 영상 신호의 스펙클 잡음 제거

박원용,장익훈,김남철 한국통신학회 2003 韓國通信學會論文誌 Vol.28 No.11C

본 논문에서는 스펙클 잡음으로 열화 된 영상을 복원하기 위하여 에지 영역을 고려한 호모모르픽 웨이브렛 기반 MMSE 필터를 제안한다. 제안된 방법에서는 스펙클 잡음이 섞인 영상을 로그 영역으로 변환한 다음 호모모르픽 방향성 MMSE 필터로 복원된 영상에 DIP 연산자를 적용하여 각 화소를 평탄 영역과 에지 영역으로 분류한다. 평탄 영역에서는 호모모르픽 웨이브렛 기반 MMSE 필터링을 수행하고 에지 영역에서는 호모모르픽 웨이브렛 기반 MMSE 필터링의 결과와 호모모르픽 방향성 MMSE 필터링의 결과를 가중하여 합하는 가중 평균 필터링을 수행한다. 그런 다음 지수 함수를 이용하여 공간 영역으로 역 변환하여 복원된 영상을 얻는다. 실험 결과 제안된 방법으로 복원된 영상은 기존의 호모모르픽 평균 필터와 메디안 필터에 의하여 복원된 영상에 비하여 3.3-4.0 ㏈의 ISNR 성능 향상을 보였다. 또한 0.0103-0.0126의 에지 보존도 측정 파라미터 $\beta$ 성능 향상을 보이고, 에지가 잘 보존되면서 잡음이 잘 제거된 우수한 주관적 화질을 보였다. In this paper, we propose a homomorphic wavelet-based MMSE filter with edge detection to restore images degraded by speckle noise. In the proposed method, a noisy image is first transformed into logarithmic domain. Each pixel in the transformed image is then classified into flat and edge regions by applying DIP operator to the image restored by homomorphic directional MMSE filter. Each pixel in flat region is restored by homomorphic wavelet-based MMSE filter. Each pixel in edge region is restored by the weighted sum of the output of homomorphic wavelet-based MMSE filtering and that of homomorphic directional MMSE filtering. The restored image in spatial domain is finally obtained by applying the exponential function to the restored image in logarithmic domain. Experimental results show that the restored images by the proposed method have ISNR improvement of 3.3-4.0 ㏈ and ${\beta}$, a measurement parameter on edge preservation, improvement of 0.0103-0.0126 and superior subjective image quality over those by conventional methods.

러시아 군주정의 구원투수- 러시아 민족동맹의 형성과 전략을 중심으로

박원용 동북아시아문화학회 2009 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.19

This paper deals with one of the strongest and most influential rightist parties at the time of crisis of the Russian autocracy- the Union of the Russian People. Through the study I attempt to shed new light on the Union of the Russian People not as the organization just stick to small strata of privileged estates, but as the organization to gain wider support from large segments of Russian population. By way of establishing itself as the political party with broad social support, the Union could provide the Russian autocracy with a breathing space for extending its life span. The impetus for organizing the Union of the Russian People was originated from the three documents announced on the February 18, 1905. The Russian rightists especially paid attention to the decree, which emotionally appealed for gathering loyal forces to the autocracy around the throne. A. I. Dubrovin, the founder of the Union, thought that it was the right time for the Russian rightists to participate in the political arena actively and finally succeeded in launching the political organization with including broad social strata. On the process of pursuing its goal, the Union of the Russian People had a keen sense in appreciating the political reality at the time. Though the Union did not endorse the idea of sharing the autocratic power with a representative institution like Duma, it realized that the strategy of destroying the Duma at the present time was impossible. The only solution was that by promoting a large number of rightist forces to the Duma the Union sought to transform it into an amicable institution to the autocracy. The Union to a certain extent had succeeded in implementing its desire in the political field through the achievement of the change of electorial procedure to the Duma. The Union also had the strategy to appeal to the Russian people through the idea of “empire for the Russian people.” The ideology of an empire only for the Russian made it possible for the Union to recognize the extreme measure of terror against non-Russian people like Jews. In the long run, the strategies of the Union had an initial success for the duration of the Russian autocracy, but the forces of the Russian rightists was not enough to hold back the challenge of the socialist parties. This paper deals with one of the strongest and most influential rightist parties at the time of crisis of the Russian autocracy- the Union of the Russian People. Through the study I attempt to shed new light on the Union of the Russian People not as the organization just stick to small strata of privileged estates, but as the organization to gain wider support from large segments of Russian population. By way of establishing itself as the political party with broad social support, the Union could provide the Russian autocracy with a breathing space for extending its life span. The impetus for organizing the Union of the Russian People was originated from the three documents announced on the February 18, 1905. The Russian rightists especially paid attention to the decree, which emotionally appealed for gathering loyal forces to the autocracy around the throne. A. I. Dubrovin, the founder of the Union, thought that it was the right time for the Russian rightists to participate in the political arena actively and finally succeeded in launching the political organization with including broad social strata. On the process of pursuing its goal, the Union of the Russian People had a keen sense in appreciating the political reality at the time. Though the Union did not endorse the idea of sharing the autocratic power with a representative institution like Duma, it realized that the strategy of destroying the Duma at the present time was impossible. The only solution was that by promoting a large number of rightist forces to the Duma the Union sought to transform it into an amicable institution to the autocracy. The Union to a certain extent had succeeded in implementing its desire in the political field through the achievement of the change of electorial procedure to the Duma. The Union also had the strategy to appeal to the Russian people through the idea of “empire for the Russian people.” The ideology of an empire only for the Russian made it possible for the Union to recognize the extreme measure of terror against non-Russian people like Jews. In the long run, the strategies of the Union had an initial success for the duration of the Russian autocracy, but the forces of the Russian rightists was not enough to hold back the challenge of the socialist parties.

러시아 전제정의 반격-베일리스 사건의 상징성을 중심으로

박원용 동북아시아문화학회 2010 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.23

This paper attempts to disclose the implications of Beilis's case, a trial happened at the period of increasing opposition to the authority of the Russian autocracy. Rather than focusing on racial conflicts and religious rituals inherent in the case, I'm trying to put it in the context of the maneuver of Russian conservative forces, who thought that they could extend the lives of the autocracy by exploiting the implied meaning of the case. If Beilis was found guilty, the conservative forces thought that they could extend the prosecution against the Jews, who from their viewpoints were involved in various kinds of revolutionary movements. Beilis's case with passing of the time was not a simple murder case only attentive to the small group of people in the region. It might be the case contributing to strengthening power of the autocracy. In order to bring back the stability of the Russian tsardom, the conservative forces did not hesitate to ignore righteous legal procedures such as selecting qualified juries and guaranteeing the rights of the defendant. They could carry out such unlawful acts with the collaboration of high officials and Nicolas II's tacit approval. In spite of the efforts from supporters to the autocracy, Beilis after all was released from the prison. The royal forces were greatly disappointed with the final verdict. But it could not be interpreted as their total defeat. The argument that the religious rituals of Jews were the principal reason to the death of innocent Russian youth was accepted. After all the Jews were turned out to be harmful elements to the stability of the Russian society and lives of Russian people. It was difficult for the Russian autocracy to disregard the hatred against the Jews advocated by the right political forces such as the Union of Russian People and Black Hundreds, because they were the active supporters for the declining regime. They attempted to find chances of fight back to the opposing groups by expanding the implicit meaning of Beilis's case. However, the Russian autocracy could not have enough time to exploit the potential of Beilis's case for the defense of the regime as it slided into the First World War.

원칙과 현실의 긴장 : Problems in Transforming Higher Education during the First Decade of Soviet Power(1918-28) 소비에트 권력 최초 10년간(1918-28)고등 교육기관의 계급주의적 전환에 나타난 제 문제

박원용 서울대학교 러시아연구소 1999 러시아연구 Vol.9 No.1

This paper examines problems of reforming higher education during the first decade of Soviet power. The Bolsheviks felt it necessary to thoroughly revise the curricula and the social composition of higher educational institutions in order to create "red specialists" who could faithfully contribute to the construction of socialism in Russia. By opening the gate of higher education to the working classes they thought it possible to create loyal cadres which the regime urgently needed. Unlike some western and Russian historians who have excessively praised the changes in the social composition of higher educational institutions as a great achievement and described the process as having taken place without any struggle, this paper rather tries to show, by means of publications in the field as well as archive materials, the inherent problems in transforming higher education. By doing so, it will show how the unstable blueprint of Bolshevik initial education reform was replaced by Stalin's Cultural Revolution. The first problem in this transformation, from the very beginning of Soviet power, was that there were different views among state institutions as to the goal of the higher educational reforms. The Narkompros(the Commissariat of Enlightenment), which was in charge of educational reform, thought that Soviet education should be used to raise cadres who were conversant in the technical sciences, but who also had wide range of knowledge of humanities. Vesenkha(the Supreme Council of the National Economy) considered such a scheme "utopian", emphasizing that in order to get out of the dismal economic situation quickly the country should put greater emphasis on narrow technical education. These different views on what the nature of such technical specialists should be persisted through 1920s and had an impact on the establishment of higher educational policy. The second problem that the Soviet regime encountered was the great dilemma of how to execute the policy of giving priority to workers in admissions to higher educational institutions. Most of working class students who poured to higher educational institutions were not qualified. This lack of the necessary educational background made it difficult for them to transform themselves into "red specialists", and the consequent shortage of red specialists might very well disturb the process of constructing the socialist state. Many reformers of higher education noticed this problem from the beginning, but they could not discard the principle on which the regime based its hope for support from the working classes. Under the circumstances, the Soviet government had to collaborate with "bourgeois specialists" in order to sustain the national economy. At the same time it had to change the admission policies of colleges and universities in the mid-1920s, so that it might enhance the quality of students who attended such institutions. This kind of precarious coexistence of the Soviet government with old technical specialists could be possible under the specific circumstances of the NEP. Finally, in reforming the higher education the Bolshevik regime also tried to create a "new type of man" who wasn't defined by the distinction between manual and mental labor. In order to bring about such a man, the regime sent college and university students to factories and established Evening Worker' Faculties(Rabfak). But these projects did not proceed as expected, for the bosses and workers in factories resented the students. As a result, the students did not know what to do when they arrived at the workplace. The ideal of evening rabfak was also in serious trouble, because most of the students in the evening rabfak could not manage to find the tome to study after their long hours of work. Moreover, the Soviet government did not have enough financial resources to help them to concentrate on their studies without worrying about the means for sustaining their daily existence. The various experiments in the higher educational reform never really got off the ground in the liberalized atmosphere of the NEP. In short, the hard line reform of higher education only became possible after Stalin had removed all moderates in the educational field and embraced a more rigorous policy.

소비에트 인간형'의 창조 : 네프기 '신체문화' 정책을 중심으로 Examination on the Policy Relating to Physical Culture during the NEP

박원용 서울대학교 러시아연구소 2006 러시아연구 Vol.16 No.1

This paper deals with the policy of Soviet regime that attempted to create new Soviet type of men essential to the consolidation for the socialist state during the NEP. Among the various measures of the Soviet government for creating them, it especially pays attention to the policy relating to ' physical culture', which implied not only physical activities of each person but also composite value system for everyday lives. As the meaning of the physical culture extended to enhancing the socialist consciousness as well as to encouraging the physical activities, there were serious debates among the party leadership on the feasible way to create new Soviet men by spreading the physical culture. Those who had utilitarian thoughts on it argued that ordinary people in the Soviet society were not fond of taking part in the leasure composed of strolling about in the wood and mass athletics. According to their conception, workers on the bench were rather enthusiastic in seeing the team competition and therefore the policy of physical culture should not just be confined to the pure ideology separated from actual lives. On the contrary, the hard liners on the cultural policy thought that if the party accepted the competitive sports culture and gave up the comprehensive implications of the physical culture the socialist system would be imbued with bourgeois culture that just respected the ability of the few talented sportsmen. The party resolution of 1925 tried to resolve these conflicting attitudes as to the policy of the physical culture. It recognized the necessity of approving the taste of ordinary Soviet citizen, whereas at the same time it attempted to maintain the orientation of hard liners in the matter of cultural policy. In that context, by examining the policy of the physical culture we can ascertain that the NEP was а period of precarious balance between the utilitarians and hard liners. By the time of Stalin's ascendency in the power relationship, that unstable balance began to break down and the policy of physical culture was in the process of rapid transformation.

일상생활의 영역에서 바라 본 1920년대 러시아 농촌에서의 신 여성형 창조

박원용 부산대학교 여성연구소 2013 여성학연구 Vol.23 No.1

This paper attempts to examine the conflicts and issues related to the creation of ‘New Soviet Peasant Women’ during the 1920s. This study also arises from the criticism of the historiography about the Soviet women which so far has not fully grasped the detailed reaction of peasant women on the transformation of their everyday lives. In the first part of the paper, I described the contents of ‘New Soviet Peasant Women’ that the Bolshevik government wanted to establish in rural districts. As the peasant women in everyday lives had the main responsibility to bring up children, the Commissar of Health emphasized the necessity of adopting a ‘scientific’ and ‘hygienic’ system of child rearing. It meant that the peasant women had to provide children with a sanitary environment and to refuse the help of traditional midwives in the country, babka, in order to decrease the mortality rate of children. Another view of new Soviet women was that they were freed from house chores and took part energetically in the enlightenment campaign of the country by joining organizations like Komsomol. It turned out to be difficult for peasant women to transform themselves as new Soviet women promoted by the Bolshevik government. First of all, a large portion of peasant women were not enthusiastic in changing their environment and methods related to child rearing. The teachings and advices suggested by doctors and nurses dressed in white gowns were not easily acceptable to peasants because those medical professions were regarded as ‘alien’ forces. Many peasant women were stuck with the customs and advices given by traditional midwives and their parents. Furthermore, the Soviet government was not equipped with sufficient financial resources to provide rural districts with modernized hospitals and doctors. Another obstacle to the transformation of everyday lives of peasant women was the hostile attitude of male peasants to the participation of females in organizations like Komsomol. Male activists were not strongly supportive to enlightenment activities of Komsomol in rural areas, because Komsomol members in their perspectives were spreading concepts which were harmful to traditional values of peasant society and corrupting their children. In addition, party members were reluctant to contribute to making ‘new Soviet peasant women’, because they considered it futile to spend time with transforming the most backward population in the Russian society. In short, the peasant women did not have their allies, neither on the inside nor on the outside of the peasant community. The political revolution did not guarantee the creation of new Soviet women who were to bring new mores and values into their everyday lives. 본 연구는 러시아 혁명 이후의 10년간의 시기를 중심으로 러시아 농촌지역에서의 새로운 여성상의 창출과정에서 나타난 문제점을 검토해 보려고 한다. 이는 지금까지의 소비에트 체제의 여성사 연구가 대도시의 선진적 여성노동자의 삶에 집중함으로써 농촌 여성들의 일상생활의 변화 정도를 구체적으로 드러내지 못했다는 문제의식에 기인한다. 그리하여 필자는 먼저 혁명정부가 농촌에 의도하였던 신 여성형의 구체적 모습이 무엇인지를 살펴보았다. 정부 기구였던 보건 인민위원부가 창출하려고 한 농촌의 ‘소비에트형 여성상’은 자녀 양육과 관련된 낡은 관습을 버리고 ‘근대적’이고 ‘과학적’인 자녀 양육을 실천하는 여성상이었다. 아울러 가정이라는 전통적인 영역에서 벗어나 콤소몰과 같은 정치조직을 통한 농촌에서의 의식각성을 위해 활동하는 여성이었다. 농촌의 일상생활에서 이러한 여성상 창출을 위한 장애물들은 적지 않았다. ‘과학적’이고 ‘위생적’ 양육환경을 강조하는 전문 의료인들은 농촌 여성들에게 이질적인 존재에 불과하였다. 그들과 오랜 동안 관계를 유지하고 있었던 산파가 대부분의 농촌 여성들에게 더 믿음직한 존재였다. 젊은 여성들의 정치적 각성을 위한 중요통로였던 콤소몰에 대해서도 기성세대들은 적지 않은 반감을 가지고 있었다. 그들의 눈에 그와 같은 조직은 농촌의 질서를 무너뜨리고 자신들의 자녀를 성적인 타락으로 이끄는 조직에 불과하였다. 사회주의 체제의 수립이라는 정치적 격변은 농촌 여성의 일상생활을 혁명적으로 변화시키지 못했다.

스탈린 체제 일상사 연구의 현황과 쟁점

박원용 동북아시아문화학회 2008 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.16

Through the overview on the historiography of everyday life in Stalin's regime, this paper attempts to find some clues to the development of new methodology for researching the Soviet society and other ones as well. The study on various aspects of everyday life in Stalin's Russia has contributed to deepening our understanding about the mechanism of Stalin's Russia. But it has also revealed some issues that we have to consider. The first issue that we can detect in the historiography on people's way of life in the Stalin's Russia is about the problem of resistance vs accommodation of people to the regime. It is very difficult to ascertain the clear demarcation between accommodation and resistance in the everyday life of people. If we accept the idea that people in Stalin's Russia had managed to cooperate or oppose to the policy of the state, the assumption that the Stalin's regime was a totalitarian state should be discarded. The second issue is on the problem of continuity vs discontinuity. Though the socialist government had tried to transform rapidly the mode of everyday life by indoctrinating the socialist value, people in their everyday lives still maintained the old habits and customs which did not comply with doctrine of the socialist system. But this did not mean that people in the Stalin's Russia did not change internally at all, which raises the third issue in the historiography. We can find the existence of people with the deep conviction that the Stalinist value system had already established in the Russian society. These people had also tried hard to internalize voluntarily those values. In sum, the study on the everyday lives in the Stalin's regime has revealed the dynamics of the socialist Russia in the 1930s. Furthermore, there is a new attempt to enhance our understanding on the Stalin's Russia by applying the methodology of oral history. If we sincerely have tried to apply these achievements to the study of North Korea, the portrait of North Korea with a monolithic society still dominant in our society might be greatly renewed.

Sperm motility and viability of experimental animals using different cryopreservatives

박원용,서병부 사단법인 한국동물생명공학회 2023 Journal of Animal Reproduction and Biotechnology Vol.38 No.1

In this study, an experiment was conducted in order to determine what cryopreservatives (CPVs) were more effective in supporting the motility and viability of sperm from experimental animals. The sperm of mice, rats, beagle dogs, and rabbits were frozen using different CPVs, including DMSO, TYB, and Sperm CryoProtec. The results from freezing the sperm of each laboratory animal in Sperm CryoProtec showed a high level of sperm motility and viability in sperm samples from mice, rats, and beagle dogs melted at the end of the first week. For rabbits, a high level of motility was observed in sperm thawed during the first week, whereas a high level of viability was observed in sperm thawed during the second week. The results of analysis of sperm motility and viability using different CPVs according to laboratory animals showed a significantly higher level of sperm motility (26.28%) and viability (36.20%) for mice in Sperm CryoProtec and the lowest levels of motility and viability were observed in DMSO (p < 0.05). Significantly higher levels of motility (27.94%) and viability (37.94%) were observed for rats in Sperm CryoProtec compared with TYB, which showed the lowest levels of motility and viability (p < 0.05). The study findings described above suggest that the selection of appropriate cryopreservatives is required for each experimental animal. This is because there are differences in the levels of sperm motility and viability of experimental animals depending on the CPVs that are typically used for freezing human sperm, including Sperm CryoProtec and TYB.