시진핑-아베 집권시기 중·일관계 ‘新常態’

리단(Li Dan)(李丹) 대한중국학회 2016 중국학 Vol.55 No.-

‘중·일 1972년 체제’는 1970년대에 가동되었으며 1980년대 장족 한 발전을 이루었으나 1990년대 ‘중국위협론’의 영향으로 ‘1972년 체제’의 전략적 토대가 동요되었다. 중국과 일본 관계는 ‘배회기’, ‘냉각지’, ‘조정기’를 겪어 현재 ‘대항기’적 태세를 나타내고 있다. 양국은 1990년대 중반부터 불편한 국면에 직면 했음에도 불구하고 전략적 교합집을 확대하려는 노력을 기우렸다. 21세기 초 반 중국의 불가역적인 성장과 일본의 장기침체 등 요인의 영향으로 역시 인식문제, 영유권 문제, 타이완 문제 등 이른바 양국관계 발전에서의 갈등 요소가 불거지게 되었다. 따라서 양국관계는 ‘협력 중의 경쟁 관계’에서 ‘경쟁 중의 협력 관계’로 전환하였다. 지구적인 측면에서 중·미관계가 가장 중요한 양자관계라면 지역적인 측면에서 중·일 관계가 그렇다. 중·일 관계의 선순환적 발전을 위하여 원칙적으로는 양국 간의 정치적 신뢰의 회복이 가장 중요한 과제이다. 중국과 일본 관계는 국제적 .국내적 환경구조의 변화에 따라서 변화할 것이다. 따라서 양국 정부는 인적교류를 촉진시켜 중국과 일본 국민간의 감정이 ‘밀이불친(密而不親): 교류가 빈번하지만 호감도가 낮다’의 상태에서 ‘기밀유친(旣密又親): 긴밀한 교류 속에서 이루어진 진정한 친화감)’의 태세로 발전 할 수 있도록 노력해야 한다. The "1972 system", which was started in the 1970's by China and Japan, had been experienced rapid development in the 1980's, and the political and economic relations between the two countries showed a good trend. However,in the 1990’s, because of "China Threat Theory", the "1972 system” that maintains the strategic foundation has been shaken. Sino-Japanese relations has experienced" period of wandering”, “period of cooling off",and "period of adjustment”; and it is leading to the “period of confrontation”. With the adjustment and change of the relations between the two countries, the hidden lies in the historical understanding of the problems between the twocountries, the territorial issue, and the Taiwan issue rise to the surface and become a barrier of the development of bilateral relations. At present, the relationship between the two countries has been transforming from the "cooperation in the competition relations" to "competition in the cooperative relations". From the global level, the Sino-US relations are the most important bilateral relations, and the Sino-Japanese relations are the most important bilateral relations at there gional level. Inorder to achieve the benign development of bilateralrelations, China and Japan, should examine the bilateral relations from the perspective and level of strategy, and abide the signed framework of good will between two countries to restore political mutual trust. Region balance and domestic political factors will still be the important variables that affect the normal development of bilateral relations.

本の新語・流行語の形態的な特徴の一考察

리단(Li Dan)(李丹),이은미(Lee Eunmi)(李恩美) 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2020 인문사회과학연구 Vol.21 No.2

본 논문에서는 2006-2017년까지 일본의 ‘U-can 신어·유행어 대상 관련어’를 분석 자료로 하여 일본의 신어·유행어의 형태적 특징을 ‘어종’과 ‘어구성’의 2가지 관점에서 고찰하였는데, 그 결과를 정리하면 다음과 같다. ‘어종’은 ‘단종어’ 와 ‘혼종어’로 나누어 사용양상을 살펴보았다. ‘단종어’는 ‘고유어’, ‘한자어’, ‘영어’, ‘기타어’로 분류하 였고, ‘혼종어’는 ‘한자어+고유어’, ‘영어+한자어’, ‘영어+고유어’, ‘영어+한자어+고유 어’, ‘기타어 포함’ 으로 분류하였다. 그 결과, 단종어는 357개(55.8%)가 사용되었고, 혼종어는 283개(44.2%)가 사용되어, 신어·유행어는 혼종어보다 단종어의 사용비율이 다소 높음을 알 수 있었다. 한편, 단종어에서 어수가 가장 많은 것은 ‘한자어’로 143개가 나타났으며, 혼종어에서도 ‘한자어+고유어’, ‘한자어+영어’의 사용비율이 높아 한자어가 많이 사용되고 있음을 알 수 있었다. ‘어구성’은 ‘단순어 합성어’, ‘약어’, ‘기타’의 3가지 관점에서 사용양상을 살펴보았다. ‘단순어 합성어’의 경우 단순어는 62개, 합성어는 578개로 합성어의 사용비율이 압도적으로 높았다. 또한 합성어는 ‘복합어’, ‘파생어’, ‘재합성어’, ‘문’으로 분류하였는데, 이 중에서 ‘복합어’의 어수가 208개로 가장 많이 나타났다. 한편, 약어는 신어·유행어 전체의 약 27.4 %를 차지하고 있었는데, 머릿 글자 약어에서는 생략되는 곳이 한개에서 다섯개까지 다양하게 나타났으며, 일반 어휘의 약어도 다양한 형태로 사용되고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 그 외에도 다양한 방식으로 만들어진 단어도 많았는데, 그 중에서도 ‘패러디어(もじり語)’의 사용비율이 압도적으로 높았다. In this study, morphological features of new words and buzzwords were analyzed from 2 perspectives: ‘word type’, ‘word structure’. The results can be summarized as follows: First, ‘Word type’ was divided into ‘single kind of words’ and ‘hybrid words’. ‘single kind of words’ was classified into ‘native words’, ‘kanji’, ‘English words’, and ‘other words’. ‘Hybrid words’ were classified into ’kanji+native words’, ‘English words+kanji’, ‘English words+native words’, ‘English words+kanji+native words’, and ’including other words’. The number of ‘single kind of words’ was 357 (55.8%), and the number of ‘hybrid words’ was 283 (44.2%). This confirms that ‘single kind of words’are used more than hybrid words. In ‘single kind of words’, the number of ‘kanji’ was the highest with 143 words; in ‘hybrid words’, the number of ‘kanji+native words’ was the highest with 145 words. The usage patterns of ‘word structure’ was examined from 3 perspectives: ‘simple words· synthesized words’, ‘abbreviations’, and ‘other words’. In ‘simple words· synthesized words’, the number of simple words was 62 and the number of synthesized words was 578, which shows more ‘synthesized words’ are used than ‘simple words’. ‘synthesized words’ were classified into ‘compound words’, ‘derivatives’, ‘re-synthesized words’, and ‘sentence’. Among them, the number of ‘compound words’ was the highest with 208 words. ‘Abbreviations’ were divided into ‘abbreviation of initials’ and ‘abbreviation of ordinary vocabulary’ to examine usage patterns. ‘Other words’ were classified into 5 types of formation: ‘analogical words’,‘imitative words’, ‘mixed words’, ‘anastrophe’, and ‘types of symbol’.

인도네시아 중국계 페라나칸의 혼종성 연구

리단(Li, Dan),김영술(Kim, Young-sool) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2014 전남대학교 세계한상문화연구단 국제학술회의 Vol.2014 No.2

This study in the context of diaspora examines the migration of Indonesian Chinese and the formation process of Chinese Peranakan community. It also analyzes multiculturalism of Indonesian Peranakan, and considers the meaning of the modern hybridity through their racial and cultural hybridity. It is noticeable that Chinese in Indonesia have special characteristics of migration like indigenization due to assimilation, westernization, and re-sinicization. The position of Chinese Peranakan in Indonesia could be characterized as the third group or the middle class situated between the colonial rulers and local people which need to form a symbiotic relationship with native society. That is to say, it is similar to " the status of diaspora" . Besides, the position is different in the relations between Totok and Peranakan. The migration and settlement of Chinese to Indonesia involves varied issues such as ethnic conflicts, alienation, discrimination, exclusion and inequality, which are explained in sense of multiculturalism and diaspora. Especially, although the problem of ethnic and cultural hybridity occurred in such process would not be treated well, it is becoming an important field of area study. Racial hybridity of Chinese Peranakan was a flexible adaptive strategy to the local circumstances for the survival of Chinese migrants and they formed family relations in order to ensure stability of economic activities. Also, Chinese Peranakan culture has drawn unique their own pattern as well as mixed features through creatively accepting and reinterpreting different cultural factors from Europe, India and Malaysia on the basis of Chinese traditional culture. This cultural hybridity is due to mutual influences in the cultural transformation process caused by contact between races. The hybridity sometimes disintegrates conventional identity of Chinese Peranakan in Indonesia and it is sometimes used to build a community for state from conflict, social inequality and political issues by the difference. It shows the value of cultural exchange and fusion among different nations very well. Hybridity of Chinese Peranakan in Indonesia provides the meaning as follows; Firstly, the hybrid society, as a multicultural society mixed with races and cultures, should further actively seek for human rights of minorities and expansion of democracy in various areas above all. Secondly, the existence of difference and diversity of immigrants symbolized in the multicultural society should operate the opportunity to stimulate changes of political community through tolerance of the mainstream and politicization of the difference. Finally, it should be become a diaspora in community that marginal individuals and minorities could be a main actor with multiculturalism which could form pure and homogeneous national identity, overcome the hierarchical dichotomy between majority and minority, and broaden the mutual coexistence and understanding, rather than segregation and exclusion to subordinate others. Eventually, the hybridity problem of Chinese Peranakan in Indonesia is an issue of nation integration between native Indonesian and overseas Chinese and ethnic Chinese. In fact, the hybridity in Indonesia should play a role in providing the necessary ideology for the future of the heterogeneous society, and create even more powerful concept of the future symbolic community.

한국의 공공외교와 재외동포

리단(Li, Dan),정소영(Jeong, So-young) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2015 디아스포라 연구 Vol.9 No.2

이 연구는 중국 ‘교무외교’의 추진에 대한 검토를 토대로 ’향후 한국은 공공외교 추진에서 700만 명의 재외동포 자산을 어떻게 최대화할 것인가?’라는 문제의식을 가지고 연구를 전개하였다. 중국의 ‘교무공공외교’ 전략은 ‘문화강국전략’과 ‘네트워크전략’으로 분류된다. 화인·화교는 중국의 ‘교무공공외교’의 수용자인 동시에 추진자이다. 화인·화교의 ‘교무공공외교’의 참여는 문화적 참여 및 사회적 참여로 분류할 수 있다. 요컨대, ‘문화중국전략’은 중국의 급부상으로 야기된 ‘중국위협론’의 불식과 중국에 대한 이해도 향상에 착안점을 두고 있다면, ‘네트워크 구축 전략’은 재외동포의 응집력 강화로 거주국에서의 영향력을 제고하고, 모국과의 연대 강화를 통한 공공외교의 효율성을 향상 시키는데 목적을 두고 있다. 중국의 이러한 경험은 한국의 재외동포 공공외교에 시사점을 제시해 주고 있다. 한국 정부는 체계적인 재외동포 공공외교정책 구축에 주력할 필요가 있으며, 재외동포사회의 발전 및 모국과의 연대를 강화하기 위하여 한글학교와 한국학교에 대한 지속적인 지원책을 강구할 필요가 있다. The development of this research with the problem of consciousness of how will maximize the future foreign diplomacy to 7 million overseas Korean asset based on the promotion of foreign diplomacy of China. The strategy of public diplomacy affairs of China is classified “cultural powerhouse strategy” and “network strategy.” Department of Chinese state council affairs office lead Chinese culture of overseas Chinese focusing on the consolidation of cultural cohesion of overseas propagation and through this, country brand event of Cultural Chinese. Nowadays the characteristics of Chinese nation conducted a variety of cultural events on the basis of ‘sihaitongchun(四海同春)’, ‘mingjiajiangtan(名家讲坛)’, ‘zhonghuacaiyi(中华才艺)’, ‘zhonghuayixue(中华医学)’, ‘zhonghuameishi(中华美食)’etc. for the acceptability to overseas Chinese society and the people of the country of residence. China has also focused on the Confucius institute and present human school as medium for Chinese wave. The summary of network strategy to enhance business network utilizing Chinese entrepreneurs convention; informing strengthen solidarity from the variety of forums of Overseas Chinese diplomacy. Overseas Chinese promote customer as the same of foreign public diplomacy of China. Participation in the foreign public diplomacy of Overseas Chinese can be classified as cultural participation and social participation. In short, if you understand of Chinese emergence caused by Chinese zero-sum perspective dispel and Chinese Cultural Strategy of China, the aim of networking strategy of Overseas Koreans cohesion consolidation for enhancing effect in the residence country and improving efficiency through public diplomacy strengthening solidarity in home country. This experience from Chinese is giving implications to the overseas Korean in China. It is necessary to take ongoing support for Hangul and Korean school to enhance development of overseas korean and solidarity of home country focus on systematic national public diplomacy by government.

중화경제권의 부상과 의미

리단(Li, Dan),김혜련(Jin, Hui Lian) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2012 디아스포라 연구 Vol.6 No.2

중화경제권은 중국과 홍콩, 마카오, 타이완에 동남아 화교?화인경제권까지 아우르는 지역경제협력체이다. 중국을 중심으로 한 중화경제권은 이미 유럽연합(EU)과 북미자유무역협정(NAFTA)에 이은 세계 3번째 경제 블록으로 부상하였다. 이러한 배경 하에서 이 연구는 중화경제권이 부상한 요인과 그 의미를 검토하였다. 연구결과 중화경제권은 지리적 인접성과 문화적 동질성, 그리고 중국-아세안 자유무역지대, CEPA, ECFA 등 튼튼한 제도적 기반 마련, 지역 간 상호보완적 협력관계를 통해 오늘날의 성과를 이루어냈던 것이다. 현재 중화경제권의 영향력은 동남아를 넘어 세계로 뻗어나가고 있다. 중화경제권의 부상은 동남아 지역 경제의 통합에 기여할 것으로 예상된다. 또한 미국, 유럽, 일본 등 주요선진국 경제가 침체되어 경제위기 우려가 커지는 상황에서 세계경제의 활력소가 되어 경제위기 극복의 구심적 역할을 기대해 볼 수도 있다. 하지만 중화경제권의 부상은 양날의 칼이 될 수 있다. 거대한 민족경제권 형성은 역내 국가들의 경제적 발전에 긍정적 역할을 할 수도 있겠지만 중화민족 패권에 의한 경제적증속 가능성도 우려된다. 따라서 무엇보다 중화경제권 지역 및 세계 경제를 견인할 수 있도록 제도적인 협력 체제를 구축해 보편적이고 국제적 기준에 맞는 규칙 내에서 보다 긍정적인 역할을 할 수 있도록 해야 한다. China economic circle here meas the regional economic cooperation consists of China, Hongkong, Macao, Taiwan and the Overseas Chinese economic circle within Southeast Asia. Following EU and NAFTA, China economic circle has risen as the third economic bloc. Against this backdrop, the authors investigated the factors and significance for the rising the China economic circle. And the study shows that geographical proximity, cultural affinity and the strong institutional foundation of Sino-ASEAN free trade zone like CEPA, ECFA etc., and complementary partnership in this region are all important factors for achieving the success. Today, the influence of China economic circle has stretched from Southeast area to the whole world. It is expected that China economic circle can contribute to the regional integration in Southeast Asia. And, for those main developed countries like USA, E.U. and Japan, and in the situation that the anxiety about financial crisis became more and more serious, China economic circle is also expected to become a stimulus for the world economic by dealing successfully with the financial crisis. But the rising of China economic circle can also be a double-edged sword. Though it can be positive for the regional economic development, but it can also make other countries to be subordinate to China"s supremacy. Therefor it is important to contribute a cooperation system, and establish universal rules, within witch China can be just positive for both the region and the world economic.

全球化背景下的中国政治体制改革及其特点

李丹(Li Dan) 동북아시아문화학회 2007 동북아시아문화학회 국제학술대회 발표자료집 Vol.- No.-

중국의 대 남북한정책의 지속과 동학 : 후진타오 이후 대 남북한관계를 중심으로

리단(Li Dan),전형권(Jeon Hyung-kwon) 한국정치정보학회 2010 정치정보연구 Vol.13 No.1

이 연구는 중국의 한반도 정책에 나타난 지속성과 변화의 성격과 대 남북한 관계 전략을 둘러싼 동학을 규명함으로써 한 · 중관계 발전방안 및 한반도 평화가능성을 모색하는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 중국의 한반도 정책에 나타난 지속성을 현상유지와 영향력 확대의 차원에서 밝히고, 중국이 남북한 관계에서 그동안 '동반'과 '동맹'을 어떻게 전략적으로 관리해왔는지를 밝힌다. 연구결과를 종합해 볼 때, 후진타오 집권기의 대 북한정책에서 나타난 공통점은 변화와 지속, 신뢰와 불신의 상호 모순된 이중적 양상이 병존하고 있다는 사실이다. 과거 ‘혈맹’의 특수한 관성이 지금도 작용하는 북 · 중간의 ‘동반자’ 관계는 북한핵 문제로 인해 안정적으로 정착되기가 힘들었다. 북핵문제가 근본적으로 해결되지 않고 한반도의 평화유지라는 과제가 미해결된 상태에서 양국관계는 상황변수에 따라 협력과 갈등이 번복되는 불안정성을 노정하고 있는 것이다. 한편, 현 단계 중국과 한국이 맺은 ‘전략적 동반자 관계’란 중 · 북관계 혹은 한 · 미관계에 연계된 ‘전략적 동반자’로서 그 자체의 동력이 상당히 부족한 것이 사실이다. 다른 많은 변수들과 중첩적으로 작용하고 있어, 양국간의 불협화음이 존재하며 고유한 외교영역이 상대적으로 위축될 소지도 존재한다. 따라서 한국과 중국은 여타의 다른 관계변수들에 좌우되지 않도록 정치적 신뢰를 확보하고, 향후 양국간의 독립적이고 고유한 협력의 영역을 많이 확보할 필요가 제기되는 것이다. 아울러 이명박 정부는 지나친 대북 강경책과 한미공조 일변도의 외교관계를 지양하고 북한과의 상호의존성을 강화하기 위한 대북 경제협력을 재개해야 할 것이다. This study aims at examining the desirable relationships between China and the two Koreas and the peaceful perspectives of Korean peninsula by focusing on the durations and dynamics of China's policies and foreign strategies to North and South Korea. In this paper, the authors explain how has China's policy frameworks to Korea changed and kept since 1992, in terms of status quo and enlargement of political influence. This paper also illustrates the way of how has China strategically controlled the relationships between the country and two Koreas as named 'alliance' and 'partnership'. Hu-jintao's foreign policies to North Korea shows dual and contradictory features such as change and duration, credibility and discredit. As lots of pending issues including North Korea's nuclear problem shows, China-North Korea relations still has unstability in that the relationship heavily depends on other situation variables and the peace of Korean peninsula is not achieved. In other hand, the so called 'strategic partnership' between China and South Korea lacks its own propulsive force, because the partnership is closely linked with China-North Korea relations or Korea-U.S.A relations.Moreover two countries has showed several foreign discords and the feasible shrinking of their own foreign affairs. In this context, this paper raises the two necessary preconditions for enhancing desirable relationship between China and Korea; firstly, to build political credibility in order to avoid unexpected political involvement to other situation variables such as Korea-U.S.A relations; secondly, to establish their own sphere to enhance mutual cooperation. In addition, Lee Myong-bak government need to restart economic cooperations with North Korea to promote interdependency rather than to hold hard line policies on Pyong Yang regime in company with the whole hearted devotion to American.

중국의 세계화 수용 : 정치체제 개혁을 중심으로

리단 ( Dan Li ) 한국세계지역학회 2008 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.26 No.1

중국 기층조직 정치참여의 전개와 발전

리단(Dan LI) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2006 전남대학교 세계한상문화연구단 국제학술회의 Vol.2006 No.5

李明博政府的外交政策与中韩关系(摘要)

李丹(Li Dan) 동북아시아문화학회 2009 동북아시아문화학회 국제학술대회 발표자료집 Vol.2009 No.5월

Lee Myung-bak, who was elected by overwhelming dominance as the 17<SUP>th</SUP> president of South Korea, on December 19<SUP>th</SUP>, 2007, has ever claimed that the diplomacy of South Korea would be focused on "Creative Pragmatism with principles ”. Lee Myung-bak Administration advocates that it will build up the country to a world power, by the means of combining the national interest with the common values of human, under the principle of pragmatism. Different from his predecessors Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, Lee especially emphasises on restoring the mutual respect between South Korea and the United States, strengthening the alliance with the United States, and promises in public for many times to strengthen the safety and safeguard agreement of South Korea and the United States, which has been weakened by his predecessors. And also, the Administration supports the American garrison in South Korea. All the changes of emphasis from Lee Administration, have ever induced a series of anxieties and guesses towards the turn of the situation of the Korean peninsula and the reformation of the political situation of Northeast Asia. April in 2008, during the process of Torch Relay in Seoul, the conflict between Korean and Chinese brought the disharmonies potentially existing between the two countries since the establishment of diplomatic relations to a climax. Under the circumstances of the criticism from the public, who judge that the administration is close to America while drifting apart from China, and the relationship among the people between Chinese and Korean has suffered "cold snap”, Lee Administration paid an official visit to China, on May 27<SUP>th</SUP>, in 2008. Then China and South Korea signed some agreements in the respects of politics, economy, social and cutural communication and development, in order to promote the former "comprehensive and cooperative partnership" put forward by Roh Moo-hyun, to a "strategic partnership”, and also to make the bilateral relation of the two countries realize a qualitative leap, therefore, the relationship of China and South Korea can be developed to a new stage. This paper is based on the above background, aims at analyzing the cooperative basis and the potential inconsistencies in the cooperative partnership and then puts forward some policy views, from the angle of the pragmatism diplomacy of the new Administration. According to the paper, Lee Myung-bak’s pragmatism diplomacy, used to China, is a way to build the cooperative mechanism between China and South Korea, under the policy of economy and trade diplomacy. That is to say, through the high-level talks mechanism, it aims to promote the FTA, and strengthen the plans for cooperation on energies, environment, sophisticated techNoogy and other fields. The reason for South Korea to build up the partnership with China is that Korea has realized that China plays an important role in dealing with the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula and the Peace Mechanism, balancing the relations between Korea and the U.S, and the relations with Japan, and breaking and distracting the "open to America, closed to South Korea" strategy carried out by North Korea. In order to ensure the strategic partnership of South Korea and China to be healthily developed, the prior issue for the South Korean government is to purse "the Value Alliance" and "the New Asian Diplomacy”, in this way to eliminate Chinese worries towards Korea’s strategy of "close to America, apart from China”. For China, healthy and stable relationship between China and South Korea is one of important factors to guarantee the status of China in the area of Northeast Asia. Therefore, it is necessary in the respect of the government to induce the variables which may potentially do harm to the relations of the two countries, then to reduce the negative impacts at the maximum.