알제리 페미니즘의 지적 성격 1990년대의 시련을 중심으로

노서경 ( Roe Seo-kyung ) 한국여성사학회 2011 여성과 역사 Vol.- No.15

1990년대의 알제리는 권위주의 체제로부터 자유화 노선으로 이행하는 과정에서 큰 혼란을 겪었다. 10만 명 이상의 무고한 남녀 알제리 인이 무장 집단들에 의해 살해되었다. 이런 참극을 부른 직접적인 원인은 선거에 이겼으나 해산당한 이슬람주의자들 과격파의 무장화와 이들을 탄압하는 군부의 무력 사용에 있던 것으로 알려졌다. 이 글은 알제리의 여성들이 이런 상황에서 침묵하지 않고 폭력에 반대하고 사회와 정치를 비판하고 있었다는 사실에 주목하고 이 여성주의를 알고자 했다. 글은 여성들이 정치 사회 문제에 적극 참여하는 계기가 된 가족법 반대로 시작하여 이슬람주의에 대한 여성들의 비판을 살폈다. 곧 칼리다 메사우디, 살리마 레잘리, 루이자 하눈의 여성주의 의식과 현실에 대한 입장을 다루었다. 그것은 소수운동가를 중요하게 간주해서가 아니라 위험을 무릅쓴 소수가 시련에 빠진 다수를 대변하였기 때문이다. 그리고 이러한 사유와 실천 과정에서 알제리 페미니즘이 여성의 자유와 사회의 평등성을 함께 존중하는 것을 지적하고 그것이 1990년대에 형성되는 알제리 페미니즘의 지적 사회적 성격을 말해준다고 매듭지었다. Algeria in the 1990s was in unprecedented turmoil in the political history of modern world. More than a hundred of thousand Algerians have lost their lives and many were injured by the force of armed groups which claimed for radical Islamism. Such a tragedy took place as the political transition process from an authoritarian to democratic regime was blocked. Confronted by the rapid development of Islamist political movements, the Algerian government could not find other way than to oppress it through the non-political means. This essay examines that some Algerian women were not silent, rather very critical to those violences. The bone of contention in this paper is how such feminism was possible and what it was like in those years. It also looks at the women`s protest against the Family Code and democratization movements and attempts to compare their positions to the Islamist thesis on women`s status. Examples of Khalida Messaoudi, Salima Ghezali and Louisa Hanoun have been analysed for this aim. However it should be borne in mind that people`s pain and sacrifice was considered by those intellectuals. It could be suggested that despite their differences in regime and Islamism, they were commonly claiming for women`s liberty as well as people`s right. The trial of 1990`s supposedly made a contribution to the making of the consciousness of Algerian women`s movement.

지속되고 있는 사회주의 연구

노서경(Seo-Kyung ROE) 한국프랑스사학회 2011 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.25

공화국과 사회주의(1898-1914)

노서경(Seo-Kyung ROE) 한국프랑스사학회 2010 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.22

조레스에게 독일은 무엇이었는가?

노서경 ( Seo-kyung Roe ) 한국서양사연구회 2017 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.57

This paper reconsiders the concept and reality of “hereditary enemies,” which often defines the Franco-German relations before the First World War, through the assassinated French socialist leader, Jean Jaures. It was motivated mainly by Jaures’ inspiring political writings and assiduous parliamentary activities. Jaures’ ideas and his political position toward Germany, the German public and German socialists were consistently revealed in his views of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 as well as his subsidiary Latin thesis in philosophy submitted to Sorbonne University in 1892. His cautiously written notes for a lecture meeting, which had been scheduled for July 1905 in Berlin but failed to be held, and the transcriptions of his parliamentary interrogations of Quai d’Orsay on its Moroccan policy further describe his efforts to reduce the tension escalating between the republican France and the united Germany amidst the unrestrained colonial competition. These documents could prove that Jaures had a deep understanding of German socialist idealism and the historical necessity of German unification. His insistence on distinguishing the democratically-oriented German people from the German military and financial group was rooted primarily in that understanding. Although it is criticized by na tionalistic view for being unrealistic, his belief in “Two Germany,” comparable to his belief in “Two France,” was a visionary concept for the future. It was claimed in part thanks to the rational republican culture and the socialism’s will to participate in politics. (/ecouter@hanmail.net)

알제리 전쟁 후 포스트 식민 도정의 프랑스

노서경 ( Seo-kyung Roe ) 서울대학교 불어문화권연구소 2018 불어문화권연구 Vol.28 No.-

La question que cet article a voulu poser est suivante: comment et pourquoi la France a ete entree en phase postcoloniale après la guerre d’Algerie? Il est connu en general que la France etait en retard dans le processus du postcolonialisme. Le terme postcolonialisme est defini ici comme un courant de critique sur le passe colonial en même temps sur sa continuite dans le sens historique ou culturel. Pour retracer ce chemin colonial et postcolonial connecte, nous avons reexamine les diverses positions en conflits elaborees pendant la guerre d’Algerie. L’activite violente d’OAS aussi n’est pas negligee. Enfin on peut conclure que la dissension ne peut pas être regardee comme les attitudes morales ou non. L’ecart est produit en principe par leurs conceptions differentes à l’egard de l’État français. Pourtant ce qui est interessant, c’etait le silence de masse. À la suite de la guerre, l’histoire de l’expulsion des pieds noirs est ajoutee à cette complexite. Il est vrai qu’ils ont domine les musulmans d’Algerie en general, mais on ne peut pas denier qu’ils ont vecu selon la loi de la Republique française. Concernant cette guerre, L’État français a longtemps hesite à la reconnaître comme guerre, Mais petit à petit l’État y a repondu. Le problème constant que les immigres ont pose, la tension que la force ascendante d’extrême droite ont conduit l’État à s’agir. Il l’a manifeste. Notamment une serie des lois montrent l’inclinaison post coloniale de l’État. Pourtant on ne peut pas admettre que l’État seul l’a fait de façon automatique. La societe a bien joue un role dans ce processus à travers d’historiens, d’ecrivains et bien sûr de la presse. Il semble que ces travaux litteraires, varies et accumules ont fait des echos en public. Dans une certaine mesure, les lecteurs ont desire savoir plus sur le passe colonial avec precision. Puisque la Republique et ses colonies ne peuvent pas être separees tout d’abord. Pourtant l’État fonctionne aussi comme l’État savant, au moins en theorie. Et la phase postcoloniale a besoin des connaissances sur les faits d’histoire pour mieux reflechir et critiquer le colonialisme. Par cette manière, la France postcoloniale est liee même partiellement à sa capacite invisible et sociale.

특집논문 : 서양사 속의 전쟁 ; 리프 전쟁과 리프 공화국 -1920년대 북아프리카 민족주의와 연관하여-

노서경 ( Seo Kyung Roe ) 한국서양사학회 2010 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.107

Rif, situated at the northernmost part of Spanish Morocco, symbolized a connection point for competing international politics around the Protectorate Treaty of Fez in 1912. Under these circumstances, the Rif War broke out and the Riffians, who faced the massive military forces of Spain and France, conducted the war for more than six years under the leadership of Abd el Krim. During the period, the independent Berbers of Rif demonstrated their combat ability as well as the spirit of resistance. Although the Rif War had been neglected as a major historical theme as a Moroccan historian deplored, several French, Muslim, and English historians tried to reconsider its significance. They noticed not only the issues of military strategies the Rif War had raised but also the characters of the Rif government or the Republic of Rif. They tried to catch the Riffians` expression of will to achieve autonomy and freedom against the European powers. Based on their research, this paper tries to place the Rif War into the context of North African nationalist movement at that time. It attempts to explain the Rif War and the Republic of Rif in the first part, and then discuss the French communist ideological and practical support for the Rif resistance. In conclusion, the Rif War reminded the consciousness of contemporary generation north Africans one of the most important questions to be answered: how to separate the military and the politics but, at the same time, mediate between the opposing ideas.

역사의 다리를 놓고 있던 알제리전쟁기 파리 출판사

노서경(Roe, Seo-Kyung) 인천대학교 인문학연구소 2016 인문학연구 Vol.25 No.-

Under the assumption that there may be a kind of historical continuity of France between the Algerian War(1954-1962) period and the French Resistance movement during the Second World War, this article attempted to prove its probability through the examination of Parisian publishing activity at the time of that colonial war of the 1950s. Though many books and journals were confiscated or indicted as illegal under the special power regime, not a few French publishing company like Éditions de Minuit, Éditions du Seuil or later François Maspero were incessantly working to reveal the very fact commited by the military forces to keep the French colonial Algeria. Bearing in mind of their pubication items on that subject this essay suggests the torture conducted by the French Army during the Algerian war represents one of the obsessive theme which connected the two problematic period. We consider the succint proof is La Question by Henri Alleg published by the Editions de Minuit. However it also makes us realize how much potential was the silent readers critical power at that time. The emergence of those readers who mind and want to know the truth about the colonial rule as well as the struggle of the colonized people support and encourage the publishing of such items. And the formation of this readership has a long history at least in the 20th century including the initiative of left political parties together with labour organizations. Another implication we confirm is that the ‘Third Worldism’ recognized and consolidated during the Algerian War as a declaration of liberated peoples from the colonial rule was also linked to the Parisian centered publishers. One can cite François Maspero as a precurser on that area with enough materials. Finally we can remind again that the Parisian editors and their publications through the Algerian War did not forget their Resistance experience. It contributes not to break the historical bridge placed between the two hard periods.