RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 원문제공처
          펼치기
        • 등재정보
          펼치기
        • 학술지명
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
          펼치기
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
        • 저자
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • 무료
      • 기관 내 무료
      • 유료
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        1926-1935년 重慶의 ‘內的’ㆍ‘人的’ 요소와 도시근대화

        金希信(Kim Hee-Sin) 동양사학회 2009 東洋史學硏究 Vol.109 No.-

        This study was conducted as a part of the history of urban transformation, namely, how urban spaces have reflected and structured historic situations, focused on people living in cities and urban societies. Among the open port cities under the treaty system, the centers (coastal areas) and the surroundings (inland areas) show very remarkable differences from each other. The opening of Chongqing was around 50 years later than Shanghai, and the coastal cities represented by Shanghai had already been substantially modernized. When Shanghai had gradually been positioned at the center of Chinese modernization, Chongqing in the deep inland was very slow in modernization and was merely a region remote from the center owning most of traditions. However, the influence of the centers on the surroundings was much stronger than the shock of ‘port opening.’ The prosperity and development of steamship transportation business on the Chuan River and the high enthusiasm of Chongqing city administrators, managers and supporters provided favorable conditions for the influence of the centers (coastal cities) to infiltrate into relatively closed environment. In particular, urban constructors (劉湘, 潘文華, 盧作孚, 劉航琛, 胡光?, 胡仲實, 康心如, 楊燦三, 何北衡 etc.) who tried to connect Chongqing, an enclosed world in the inland, to the outside, the open world, and to cope with rapidly changing global trends had direct impacts on the process of urban development. This meant that Chongqing was faced with the time to accept modern things. The modernization of Chongqing was a process that the influence of ‘the centers’ was continuously exerted on inland Chongqing full of obsolete and premodern things. However, in very ‘diverse’ modern changes (urbanization, the development of commerce and industry, people’s value system or cultural consciousness, change in the existence pattern of pubic areas), the urbanization of Chongqing basically concentrated on ‘construction’ imitating the material aspect of large cities such as Shanghai. In general, the urbanization process included education, police and organization services related to transportation, energy, telecommunication, water supply, education, health, public administration and other facilities. On the other hand, as revealed by the expression ‘downstream people (downstream culture),’ the historical and spatial distance was too large to achieve a cohesive force of unified Chinese culture and this meant the requirement of time and effort as that much.

      • KCI등재

        분진 발생 작업장의 분진 발생 실태 및 영향인자에 관한 연구

        김희,김돈균,Kim, Hee-Man,Kim, Don-Kyoun 한국산업보건학회 1993 한국산업보건학회지 Vol.3 No.2

        The author selected 77 dust emissing processes from 71 types of industries which placed in Sasang Industrial Complex in Pusan. The level of total dust was measured as areal concentration and personal exposure concentration by low volume air sampler and personal air sampler, respectively. Collected samples were classified into 5 groups (chemicals and rubber product, metal product, sawmills and wood, foundries and others). Respirable particulate and total dust of areal and personal exposure were analyzed. The results were as follows; 1. All of the respirable dust concentration and total dust of areal and personal concentration were log-normally distributed. 2. Geometric mean of respirable particulate of personal exposure concentration measured $0.55mg/m^3$ in the first group, $0.86mg/m^3$ in the second group, $0.39mg/m^3$ in the third group, $0.81mg/m^3$ in the forth group and $0.52mg/m^3$ in the fifith group. The exceed rates over TLV (thehold limit values) of total dust were 31.3% in the first group, 31.3% in the second group, 70% in the third group, 80% in the forth group and 13.3% in the fifth group. 3. There were singnificant difference between areal and personal exposure concentration and personal exposure concentration was higher than that of area. 4. In the case of high ratio of respirable particulate to total dust, pneumoconiosis incidence was high even though the workshop was opened and emissing dust concentration was low. These findings suggest that it is desirable to measure respirable particulate in environmental assessment of dust emissing workshops.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        논문(論文) : 신라(新羅) 고관제(古官制)의 운영(運營)과 그 성격(性格)

        김희만 ( Heui Man Kim ) 동국사학회 2007 동국사학 Vol.43 No.-

        This study is aimed at finding out the change process of Silla old office system(古官制) through bone-rank system(骨品制) and Office System(官制). In 520 Bupheung(法興) promulgated a code of administrative law that is believed to have delineated the seventeen-grade office rank structure, prescribed proper attire for the officialdom, and instituted the bone-rank system. Contents of office system and old office system were recoded in sacbokji(色服志) and chikgangji(職官志) by samguksagi(三國史記). Old office system is consist of kumha(衿荷)-sangdang(上堂)-chukwi(赤位)-daesa(大舍) etc. That was managed on before the system constructed, gradually make progress young(令)-kyung(卿)-daesa(大舍)-sa(史) etc. This system was installed on 7years Bupheung, at first that were managed high level limited, finally the fragments of old office system were remained wihwabu(位和府), and sawonsungjion(寺院成典). As it were, this system translated after 5years Chinduk(眞德) lastly.

      • KCI등재

        재조선 화교 염상과 조선총독부의 외염 관리

        김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2018 중국근현대사연구 Vol.77 No.-

        This study examines the activities of overseas Chinese salt merchants in Joseon, especially after the foreign salt management of Joseon Governor General, how the activities of salt merchant have declined. Looking at the imports of foreign salt by open ports in 1905‐1909, most of the Chinese salt was imported through Incheon and Jinnampo. The volume of import through Busan and Wonsan was very small and almost nothing. In the 1920s, with the increase in Chinese salt consumption in Joseon, it expanded to other commercial ports such as Gunsan, Mokpo, Busan, Wonsan, and Shinuiju. Among them, 16 overseas Chinese merchants" stores selling Chinese salt were found in Incheon, Jinnampo, Gunsan, Mokpo and Shinuiju in 1930. Although there was some variation in the distribution of salt merchants by port, during the decade of the 1920s, Joseon"s overseas Chinese merchants seemed to have maintained their business without any major changes. Overseas Chinese salt merchants from different regions in the country were mainly engaged in consignment sales on behalf of salt boats from China, or by purchasing salt from the Junk(帆船) directly from China, the stores themselves traveled directly to and from China, transporting and selling salt. The process of importing and exporting salt with China"s Junk was subject to taxes with various names. In addition to export and import tariffs, Chinese Consulate in Joseon collected ‘帆船照費’ along with ‘帆船噸捐’ when the Junk arrived. In particular, the income of two items collected from Incheon consulate was used as an expense for ‘Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School’ since 1914. In general, Chinese salt imported through open ports was consumed locally by wholesalers and retailers or re‐transferred to various parts of Joseon. Overseas Chinese merchants in Joseon had store nets and customer lists in major commercial areas based on long commercial activities. In addition, they organized a salt‐business organization in each area to study Chinese salt and cope with its related business. This commercial network had important implications for salt demand, market research, information transmission and commodity trading in the Joseon market. Meanwhile, the Joseon Governor General in April 1930 started the management of imported salt in the name of Joseon"s salt industry protection. The monopoly bureau stated that they would basically do things so that the ‘existing salt workers would not be affected as possible as they could,’ according to the circumstances of each region, but it turned out that it was impossible for existing salt workers to maintain their operations. Regardless of the region, the bureau set very low prices, and there was a drastic change in the existing way of commerce. Most of the prospects of overseas Chinese salt merchants were desperate. Thus, the Chinese government tried to reduce the export tax rate of Junk salt considering the situation of salt merchants and to encourage export through cost reduction. In March 1935, there were only four salt handling stores in Incheon left, and all of the overseas Chinese salt merchant"s import sales rights were lost in other areas. The revenue of `帆船照費` and `帆船噸捐’was sharply reduced, adding to the difficulty of the security of the Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School, which eventually resulted in a temporary closure in 1932. Of course, the reason why the Overseas Chinese Elementary School was closed can be explained in various aspects. However, the lack of expenses was an important part of determining the operation of the Overseas Chinese Elementary School. Therefore, it is true that the effect of foreign salt control on overseas Chinese society cannot be neglected.

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼