이집트 민주화와 시민사회

김은비 ( Eunbee Kim ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2019 중동연구 Vol.38 No.1

ousting its dictator, it failed in the transition to democracy. Moreover, Egypt has determined that the el-Sisi regime will be extended by amending its constitution. This paper aims to answer these questions: is democracy in Egypt impossible? Can its civil society be a solution? It is controversial which factors/conditions influence democratization. Among the factors, this paper argues that the capacity and potential of civil society leads to democratization; and one of the major reasons that Egypt failed in democratization even after the successful ousting of Mubarak through civil resistance is the weakness of their civil society. Egyptian regimes, particularly military regimes, have repressed the emergence and development of civil society by restrictive laws. As a result, Egyptian civil society could not have its capacity for playing a leading role during the 2011 civil resistance; and it could not have the potential for leading the transitional country in the aftermath. The Muslim Brotherhood, which is the only organization with representativeness and potential in Egypt, is repressed and has lost its human/material resources. Despite this, developing civil society in terms of quantity and quality is very important for democratizing Egypt. With the extension of the el- Sisi regime, the expectation on the importance of civil society for democratization is increasing.

여대생의 프로티언 경력태도가 전공만족도에 미치는 영향

김은비(Eunbee Kim),노경란(Kyungran Roh) 한국문화융합학회 2023 문화와 융합 Vol.45 No.7

탈냉전기 북중동맹의 결속력 변화 연구

김은비(Eunbee Kim) 육군사관학교 화랑대연구소 2011 한국군사학논집 Vol.67 No.2

Sino-DPRK has been in an alliance with China as the blood alliance since 1961. But after the end of the Cold War, the relation between China and DPRK has shown signs that it is deteriorating. Besides, DPRK launched some missiles and carried out a nuclear test in 2006. That made the time-honored alliance between Beijing and Pyongyang seemed doubtful and many articles were published on this issue. Researching those articles, I found those arguments were not claimed based on the theory but cited simple facts. Also that made readers are confused by what meant 'weakening alliance'. In this article, I tried to make a guide line to judge weakening/strengthening of alliances. For the purpose of that, I defined the weakening/strengthening of alliances as 'alliance cohensiveness', and tried to find out factors to test 'alliance cohensiveness' through theoretical research. Researching great scholars of alliance study, I settled five factors which are 'Institutionalization of alliance', 'policy coordination on common enemy', 'commitment of national leader on alliance', 'domestic public opinion', and 'military cooperation' to test ’alliance cohensiveness'. I applied them to the Sino-DPRK alliance during the Cold War era. And then I compared it with the post Cold War era. As a result, I found that the Sino-DPRK alliance cohensiveness has been deteriorating and DPRK has been undergoing the Secondary alliance dilemma. I think the reasons why the Sino-DPRK alliance cohensiveness is weakened are these the ideological weakening since the end of the Cold War, the South Korea-China amity in 1992, the change of Chinese leadership by Hu Jintao, and provocations of DPRK. The relation of Sino-DPRK is not the blood alliance anymore. That is just 'normal' like relation between a state and a state. But the weakening of the Sino-DPRK alliance cohensiveness does not mean abrogation of treaty which contains automatic military engagement article. That is because the interests from enduring alliance could be much higher than the interests from collapsing. And the amount of weakening can't be estimated correctly. In this study, I proposed five factors which can judge the alliance cohensiveness and applied them to the Sino-DPRK alliance. The implication of this study is that these factors can be applied to the Korea-U.S. alliance or the U.S.-Japan alliance which are important alliances for Korean security. However, the limitations of this study are there's no object standard of 'alliance weakening to collapse' and there's no weight in the five factors. If these limitations are conquered, this study will be a useful tool for studying change of alliance cohesiveness.

민중시위와 시민사회의 성장 : 알제리 히라크를 중심으로

김은비(Kim, Eunbee) 한국중동학회 2021 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.41 No.3

Hirak (the People s Resistance Movement), a massive anti-government demonstration in Algeria, has been going on for more than two year since it started in February 2019. Hirak developed on a larger scale by utilizing peaceful means and embracing participants from various backgrounds, thereby allowing Algerian civil society to have legitimacy, representation, and capacity. In the end, Hirak succeeded in getting President Bouteflika out of office, who planned for his fifth term, and further matured the civil society of Algeria. The government, which had suppressed protesters, is trying to rationalize the suppression in the wake of the COVID-19 that began in late 2019. But Algeria s civil society has not yielded to this and has decided to voluntarily suspend demonstrations internally to protect their health, and is sustaining the momentum of protests by bringing them online. It is also gaining greater support, adding strength to what is beyond the government s capabilities. Algeria s mature civil society is expected to play an important role in reforming the political system as well as democratizing Algeria in the future.

친환경 근린설계를 위한 지속가능성 평가항목 및 내용 연구 - G-SEED 공동주택, LEED-ND, BREEAM-Communities, CASBEE-UD를 중심으로

김은비(Kim, EunBee),유다은(Yoo, Da-Un) 한국도시설계학회 2021 도시설계 : 한국도시설계학회지 Vol.22 No.4

현재까지 국내에서 개발된 친환경 평가지표 중 가장 큰 스케일의 도시공간에 적용 가능한 기준은 G-SEED 공동주택으로 구체적이고 체계적인 평가항목 및 세부내용을 갖추고 있으나, 개별 공동주택을 넘어서는 근린단위 설계에서의 적용은 어렵다는 한계가 있다. 이에 본 연구는 국제적으로 널리 활용되고 있는 대표적인 친환경 근린설계 평가지표인 미국의 LEED-ND(Neighborhood Development), 영국의 BREEAM-Communities, 일본의 CASEE-UD(Urban Development)를 한국의 G-SEED 공동주택과 면밀하게 비교 분석하여, 근린(Neighborhood) 단위의 설계에 필요한 지속가능성 세부평가항목 44개를 선별하고 지표체계 간 차이점을 비교 분석하였다.친환경 근린설계를 위한 국내 기준 마련을 위해서는 현재의 G-SEED 공동주택보다 적극적인 토지 및 생태환경보존과 지역적 다양성 확보를 위한 세부평가항목에 대한 보완이 필요하고, 이미 적용되고 있는 세부평가항목의 경우에도 대상지 내외부 환경 간의 연계성 확보를 위한 내용적 보완이 필요하며, 지역의 수요와 예측에 기반한 평가의 기준 조정 등 지역적 맥락을 적극적으로 반영하는 친환경 근린설계 평가지표체계가 요구된다. By analyzing various international sustainability assessment systems, the purpose of this study is to present basic indicators and details that be applied to the planning and management of city & community levels. Unlike LEED, BREEAM, and CASEE, Korea’s sustainable building assessment system, G-SEED, was not developed to have urban & community-scale indicators. We analyzed G-SEED housing by indicators compared to LEED-ND, BREEAM-Communities, and CASBEE-UD to derive 44 fundamental indicators for neighborhood design. G-SEED for neighborhood design needs to include various indicators to preserve the ecological environment and housing diversity in the overall neighborhood than the current G-SEED housing. In addition, It is also necessary to supplement existing indicators with evaluation standards that emphasize the connection with the surrounding environment and flexible standards created by experts and citizens according to the local context.

미-중-이란 삼각관계와 한국

김은비 ( Eunbee Kim ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2020 중동연구 Vol.39 No.2

Amid the growing competition between the US and China, the Middle East, especially Iran, is becoming a scene of the conflict. In the triangular relationship, which has even been fraught with friction between the US and Iran, China and Iran are increasing their intimacy through the sharing of common threat perceptions against the U.S. and the sharing of profits through energy resource trade and infrastructure construction. China is becoming a welcome partner to Iran, which is isolated due to international sanctions posed by the U.S., with a grand strategy of BRI. Meanwhile, Iran, which is a gateway to the Middle East, a repository of energy resources, and outside the influence of the US, is a cornerstone for China, which wants to become a giant nation beyond the US by accelerating economic development through stable supply and demand of energy, and making inroads into the West such as Europe. The complicated triangular relationship between the US, China and Iran is meaningful in that it is not just a matter for the three countries, but also has a security and economic impact on our country. Therefore, we should take preemptive efforts to enhance our diplomatic power and not be forced to make strategic choices between the US, China and Iran through continued negotiations and compromise.

Searching for the Demand for Polices of Current Career-interrupted Women in Korea, Using the Delphi Technique

EunBee Kim(김은비),SooBin Park(박수빈),MiHye Moo(문미혜) 중앙대학교 한국인적자원개발전략연구소 2019 역량개발학습연구 Vol.14 No.1

본 연구는 경력단절 여성이 수반하는 노동력 부족의 문제를 인력의 양성 부분으로 해결하기 위해 1차적으로 문헌연구를 통해 정책들을 분류하고, 이와 함께 델파이 조사를 통해 타당성을 전문가들로부터 검증하고자 하였다. 본 연구에서 실시한 델파이 기법은 수정된 델파이 기법으로 약식 진행되었으며, 평가영역별 최종 지표는 전문가들의 수정 보완 의견을 반영한 뒤 교육학 전공 박사 5인의 평가영역별 평가부문 통일과 어미 등 표현 일치 등의 검토 과정을 거쳐 최종 도출하였다. 델파이 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 우선 경력단절 여성 정책에 대한 델파이연구를 실시하였다. 또한 세부정책에 대한 타당성을 검증하기 위해 CVR 값을 살펴본 결과, 여성인재 확대 영역의 ‘여성인재 DB 강화 및 경력, 직종별 맞춤형 교육 확대’는 모둔 전문가들로부터 정책의 중요성에 대해 높은 동의를 보였다. 여성인력 활용의 경우, 특히 경력단절여성의 노동시장의 재진입 또한 우리나라의 현 상황에서 생산인구 감소에 따르는 노동력 부족 현상에 대한 새로운 해결 방안이 될 수 있을 것이다. 앞서 언급했듯이, 우리나라 경력단절여성은 노동 가능 여성인구의 22.4%를 차지하는 다수의 잠재 노동력으로 볼 수 있으므로, 경력단절여성은 현 상황에서 꼭 확보되어야 할 중요한 인적자원이다. 경력단절여성의 재취업을 돕기 위해서는 일, 가정의 양립을 위한 사회적 환경과 분위기 조성, 기업 과 제도의 확립과 새로운 근로문화 정착이 매우 필요하다. 또한 경력단절여성들의 역량향상 및 실제적인 일자리 개발과 확보도 이루어져야 할 것이다. The purpose of this study is to solve the labor shortage related to career-interrupted women by training and utilizing manpower more effectively. It first classified the policies through literature research, and secondly carried out a Delphi survey to verify the validity of experts. The Delphi analysis result is as follows. According to the result of calculating the CVR value to determine the feasibility of the detailed policy, every expert highly agreed on the importance of strengthening women leaders DB system and expanding career-customized and occupation-customized education. The implications of this study are as follows. First, regarding the utilization of female workers, re-entry of career-interrupted women to the labor market will be a way to solve the labor shortage caused by the decrease in productive population. Career-interrupted women are a huge potential labor force, so they are certainly important human resources to be secured. In order to help facilitate the re-employment of career-interrupted women, it is necessary to establish a social and institutional environment where work and life balance is realized and create appropriate corporate working cultures. In addition, policies related to the improvement of career-interrupted women’s capabilities through lifelong education and development of various jobs need to be created.

이집트군의 정치개입

김은비 ( Eunbee Kim ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2018 중동연구 Vol.37 No.1

Since the foundation of Republic of Egypt by military officers in 1952, the Egyptian military has intervened in politics; and it has obtained economic benefits utilizing the influences over both politics and economy. However, regimes had recognized the importance of military focusing on military sector rather than politics and tried to conciliate military by providing the privileges of economic benefit. In the latter half of the Mubarak regime, the economic benefits that the military has gained were at risk due to the neoliberal economic policies, which led the military to have grievances against the government. At that time, as people protested for ousting Mubarak, utilizing the chances, military defected the government to protect its privileges. In addition, as democratically elected new president Morsi threatens military gains, the military committed a coup and has deeply intervened the politics. Even though the military intervention in politics goes against the essence of democracy, Egyptians supported the coup in 2013 and had positive attitudes on military intervention in politics, which is not consistent with the desires for democracy in the 2011 Arab Spring. This paper argues that the long lasted influence of military over politics and economy, trusts on the military, and betterment of economic and security situation during the el-Sisi regime led the result. Nevertheless, as the military authoritarian regime requires internal integration and stability, the government represses people and abuses human rights in order to prevent internal crisis and another revolutionary protest. At the same time, the national efforts on domestic stability are leading Egypt―former primary actor in the region―to disappear in major regional issues.

이스라엘 국경장벽 설치에 대한 국제법적 검토 : 가자지구를 중심으로

김은비(Kim, Eunbee),안준형(Ahn, Jun-Hyeong) 한국국제정치학회 2019 國際政治論叢 Vol.59 No.3

한국 대기업 내 교육훈련특성, 전이동기, 학습전이와의 관계에서 업무성과-보상 기대가 미치는 조절된 매개효과 연구

김준희 ( Kim¸ Junhee ),김은비 ( Kim¸ Eunbee ),이윤수 ( Lee¸ Yunsoo ) 한국인력개발학회 2020 HRD연구 Vol.22 No.4

본 연구의 목적은 국내 기업의 학습전이 제고를 위해 교육훈련특성(전이촉진적 교육방법, 교육내용의 업무 연계성), 전이동기, 학습전이의 관계에서 업무성과-보상 기대가 갖는 역할을 규명하는 것이다. 연구목적을 달성하기 위해 H 그룹에서 교육훈련을 이수한 610명의 직원들을 유의표집하여 교육종료 3개월 후 설문조사로 자료를 수집하였고, SPSS PROCESS MACRO를 활용하여 조절된 매개모형을 분석하였다. 분석 결과 첫째, 전이촉진적 교육방법과 교육내용의 업무 연계성은 전이동기와 정(+)적인 관계가 있었다. 둘째, 전이동기는 학습전이와 정(+)적인 관계가 있었다. 셋째, 업무성과-보상 기대는 전이촉진적 교육방법과 전이동기의 관계를 조절했으나 교육내용의 업무연계성과 전이동기의 관계는 조절하지 않았다. 넷째, 교육훈련특성, 전이동기, 학습전이의 관계에서 업무성과-보상 기대의 조절된 매개효과는 나타나지 않았다. 연구결과를 토대로 인적자원개발 관점에서 학습전이를 높이기 위한 실천 및 연구 측면의 시사점을 제공하였다. The purpose of the current study was to identify the role of performance-outcome expectation on the relationships among training characteristics (transfer design, content validity), motivation to transfer, and learning transfer. Using the purposive sampling approach, we collected quantitative data via an electronic survey from 610 employees of H conglomerate in South Korea who had completed a training program at least 3 months before the data collection. We utilized SPSS PROCESS MACRO to analyze the hypothesized mediated moderation effects in our research model. As a result, we found the followings: (1) transfer design and content validity had positive relationships with motivation to transfer, respectively; (2) motivation to transfer had a positive relationship with learning transfer; (3) performance-outcome expectation moderated the relationship between transfer design and motivation to transfer, but did not between content validity and motivation to transfer; and (4) there were no mediated moderation effects on the relationships among training characteristics, motivation to transfer, and learning transfer. Based on the results, we provided implications for HRD in the practice and research area to improve learning transfer in companies.