토끼에서 태자를 통하지 않은 양수내 $Li^{+}$의 이동

김영제,호원경,성호경,Kim, Young-Jae,Ho, Won-Kyung,Sung, Ho-Kyung 대한생리학회 1990 대한생리학회지 Vol.24 No.1

The extrafetal transfer of $Li^{+}$ in amniotic fluid was studied in 45 pregnant rabbits. LiCl solution was administered either intravenously to mother or directly into the amniotic sac and monitored the appearance and disappearance of $Li^{+}$ in the amniotic fluid, then calculated the transfer rate of $Li^{+}$ of extrafetal origin. To study the transplacental $Li^{+}$ transfer, a solution of 150 mM LiCl was infused continuously via maternal vein (initial dose: 0.7 mmol/kg, maintaining dose: 0.03 mmol/kg/min) and the $Li^{+}$ concentration was measured in maternal blood and amniotic fluid after 60 and 120 minutes of infusion. Change in the volume of aminotic fluid was determined by Congo red dilution method at the same time. Effects of duration of gestation was not considered in this study. Extrafetal transport of $Li^{+}$ into the amniotic fluid was estimated by comparing the $Li^{+}$ concentration and volume of amniotic fluid determined before and after ligating the placental vessels. Extrafetal $Li^{+}$ transport from the amniotic fluid was determined by observing the time dependent disappearance of $Li^{+}$ and Congo red in amniotic fluid after injecting 0.5 ml solution of 15 mM or 90 mM LiCl and 50 mg/ml Congo red. Following are the results obtained: 1) During infusion of LiCl through maternal vein the ratio of the aminotic $Li^{+}$/maternal plasma $Li^{+}$ increased significantly along with the increment of fetal weight. 2) The volume of amniotic fluid of larger fetuses than 20.5 gm increased significantly during administration of LiCl while that of smaller fetuses did not change. 3) After umbilical cord ligation the $Li^{+}$ concentration of amniotic fluid of larger fetuses than 20.5 gm was decreased to $59.9{\pm}10.3%$ and $56.9{\pm}42.9%$ $(mean{\pm}S.D.)$ of those of control group after 60 and 120 minutes of LiCl infusion respectively. In amniotic fluid of smaller fetuses than 20.5 gm, there was no significant difference between control and ligation groups. 4) The disappearance rate of Congo red in the amniotic fluid was $45.2{\pm}8.2%/hr$. 5) The disappearance rate of $Li^{+}$ after intraamniotic injection of LiCl depended on the amount injected. On injecting $7.5\;{\mu}mol$ LiCl, $Li^{+}$ disappeared rapidly from the amniotic fluid and the rates after 60 min and 90 min were $97.0{\pm}2.8,\;98.5{\pm}2.0%$ respectively. On injecting $45\;{\mu}mol$ LiCl, the rates were $56.0{\pm}15.4,\;78.9{\pm}14.5%$ at 60 and 90 min. 6) From the above results it was concluded: a) $Li^{+}$ transfer into the amniotic fluid increased along with the fetal growth and one half of $Li^{+}$ influx is through the extrafetal route even after the maturation of fetal kidney. b) One half of the $Li^{+}$ transfer from the amniotic fluid was through swallowing of fetus, while the remaining half was transfered rapidly through amniotic membrane, which was concentration limited.

宋代의 物價와 兩稅負擔

金榮濟(Kim Young-Jae) 동양사학회 2005 東洋史學硏究 Vol.91 No.-

In the long term trend, author try to observe the grain price of Song Dynasty and confirmed that it was deeply related to a population tendency. The grain price of Northern Song Dynasty showed a terraced rising trend and in case of Southern Song Dynasty showed a slight rising trend. If we observe the price on the aspect of short term trends, following factors are admitted. In Renjong(仁宗) period, the grain price rose suddenly because there carne peace and the growth of population and currency supply. Author can interpret that the speedy rising of the grain price of that period gave a severe blow to salary men, handicraft workers and special product producers because of social division of labor. So in Shenjong(神宗) period the government intervened in supply and demand of currency positively. At the same time through the enforcement of New Policy, they increased the supply of the grain. From the result, the grain price could keep stabilization to the level of Renjong(仁宗) period. In Huijong(徽宗) period, the grain price and the silk price increased largely, on account of issue of the large denomination coin and increase of financial expenditure. But the rising ratio of grain price was much larger than the silk price. May be author suppose that it raised many problems to the society in those days. Also the price level of that period reflected on Southern Song periods. In Southern Song Dynasty, choice of grain seeds, improvement of the grain store capacity, administrative effort against the natural disaster had been done from Northern Song Dynasty which helped stabilization of the grain price. By the way, people became to spend much silk because of the spread of luxurious consumption, therefore rising ratio of silk price was larger than the grain price. In Tang and Song Dynasty, prices became to rise due to growth of the population. Innovation of that period was asserted by ahead scholars, author can interpret it in the aspect of price movement. Disorganization of Equal Land System, the development of the possession of large land, the frontier movement and the expansion of irrigation works are all related with rising trend of the grain price. That is, speculation on the land was increased because of a sudden rise of the grain price, by reason of that peasantry was dissolved under the Equal Land System, at the same time it brought the development of the manor and appearance of the tenant. Besides the grain price rose because demand of the grain was increased continually on account of the organization of professional soldier, the increase of soldier, the development of cities and the expansion of social specialization. In case of argument on the burden of double tax system in Song Dynasty, the peasantry of Southern Song Dynasty had increased of their income and reduction of burden the double tax relatively to the peasantry of Northern Song. But in Southern Song Dynasty, various surtax was imposed to the peasantry. Therefore ahead scholars interpreted that the peasantry of Southern Song had a heavy tax burden. But due to the increase of land clearing and amount of production, though we add the double tax to whole surtax(加耗米, 和買絹, 折帛錢, 免役錢), the tax burden which occupied from income per a Mou(畝) was very low. In case of Jiangxi Wuzhou(江西路, 撫州), that was a semi-developed area, the whole tax burden of that places was about 2.5% no matter how high author may estimate. Besides in Song Dynasty, there was a difference among areas on the tax burden due to the difference grain price among areas. At the advanced area where the grain price and the density of population was high whose tax burden was low in comparison with underdeveloped area.

宋代 中國과 高麗 사이의 海上 交易品

김영제(Kim Young jae)(金榮濟) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2016 역사문화연구 Vol.60 No.-

이 시대 유럽, 印度, 나아가 中國과 東南아시아, 그리고 中國과 高麗 사이에는 공통적으로 사치품뿐만이 아니라, 일상 생활용품에 이르기까지 다양한 상품들이 바다를 통해 대량으로 교역되고 있었다. 특히 1200년경 이후 동서 해상무역에서 교환되던 상품의 특징은 더 이상 사치품 위주의 무역이 아니라, 부피가 큰 일상생활품이 교환되고 있었다. 이와 마찬가지로 고려도 중국의 일반인들의 수요가 많은 상품들을 바다를 통해 남중국에 팔고 있었다. 그러므로 고려도 일정부분 해외시장을 위해 상품을 생산하고 있었다. 宋代 중국의 市場이나 商業의 발전에 대해서는 이미 잘 알려져 있다. 高麗가 수출한 상품을 본다면 高麗의 경우도 그러했을 것으로 추정해 볼 수 있다. 고려가 일상생활에서 많이 쓰이는 瓷器와 高麗布를 중국에 수출하고 있었다는 사실이나, 나아가 生絲를 수입하여 완성품 비단을 되팔고 있었다는 점에서 手工業 생산과 그와 관련된 商業을 발전을 엿볼 수 있다. 따라서 고려도 해상무역을 통한 상품경제가 발달해 있었다. 高麗는 宋代에 걸쳐 中國에 대한 주요한 銀 供給地 가운데 하나였다. 그에 따라 송대 中國에 유입된 여러 外國銀 가운데, 高麗銀도 中國 국내의 銀 가격을 낮은 수준으로 유지시키는 데 작용했으며, 그 결과 中國의 銀이 동남아시아 등지로 다시 유출될 수 있었던 것으로 해석된다. 그리고 당시 高麗는 중국과 마찬가지로 銀貨를 지불수단으로 사용하고 있었다. 그래서 상업의 발전이나 교역량의 증가로 인해 그 지불수단인 銀의 채굴이 늘어났을 것이므로, 鑛業의 발전도 미루어 짐작해 볼 수 있다. 그리고 이 같은 商業의 활황은 그 파급효과로 인해 고려의 민간 消費水準의 향상에도 기여했고, 그 결과 庶民들까지도 비단옷을 착용하는 상황이 나타났던 것으로 받아들여진다. 여기서 당시 해상무역이 일반 대중들의 생활에까지 영향을 주었던 사실을 발견할 수 있다. 宋代 이후 元代에 이르기까지 중국과 고려 사이의 해상무역은 그 사이 사이에 戰爭이나 경기하강으로 인한 침체 국면도 있었겠지만, 큰 틀에서 본다면 활황추세가 이어졌을 것으로 판단된다. In this era, between China and Southeast Asia, China and Korea, large quantity of many things from luxuries to daily commodities were traded through the sea. Especially after 1200s, the characteristic of goods traded in East-West marine trade was emergence of bulky commodities. Similarly Korea traded goods which were seen common in domestic market with South China trough the sea. Therefore Korea was no longer in the state of self-sufficiency and produced some goods for foreign market. The market and commercial development of China has already been known. If we see goods Korea exported, we can estimate that Korea would be so. We can infer the handicraft manufacturing and related commercial development of Korea in that. Korea exported china and cloth used in daily lives, imported raw silk, and sold finished silk again. Throughout Song Dynasty, Korea was one of the major sources of silver supply to China. Consequently until late Song, among foreign silver influx, Korea silver worked to maintain low price of silver in China and as a result it can be thought that China silver could outflow to Southeast Asia countries. At that time, Korea used silver ingot(銀甁) as currency like other major Southeast Asia countries. Due to commercial development and increase of trading volume working a silver mine, as a means of payment, would increase so the mining industry would develop. Active market like these contributed to higher private consumption level, so it can be accepted that even common people could wear silk clothes. Though marine trade between Song China and Korea might had have economic stagnation, in more extensive view, it can be judged that the active market continued to late Song Dynasty China.

북송의 강장 (强壯) 의용 (義勇) 에 대하여

김영제(Young Jae Kim) 단국사학회 1984 史學志 Vol.18 No.1

N/A

麗宋交易의 航路와 船舶

金榮濟(Kim Young-jae) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204

I examined the route and vessels between Song China and Koryo in this paper. Up to now there have been researches which valued much of advent of a wedged bottom ship hereby it is said that in the East China Sea, the route of wedged bottom ship was used for a sail. However in this time flat bottom ships as well as wedged bottom ships took an active part. Therefore not only the tilted route of the East China Sea but also the existing crossing route of the Yellow Sea was used for a sail. In Song Dynasty, costal trade between Southern China and Northern China as well as foreign trade was developed Chinese marine trader who came to Koryo used medium size ships(wedged bottom ship) and small size of costal ships(flat bottom ship). It took much time for a flat bottom ships to cross the East China Sea because of it's flat bottom. Therefore there was much possibility of wreck, so small size of flat bottom ships came from Southern China to Northern China later they came to Koryo crossing the Yellow Sea. On the other hand medium size of wedged bottom ships came to Koryo easily because of it's structure along the tilted route of the East China Sea. In case of Koryo, there weren't proper timbers for wedged bottom ship more than medium size in its own country. Consequently Koryo had only small flat bottom ships. In the Song China historical documents, we can verify the activity of Koryo sea traders. And ships of Koryo traders made a voyage across the Yellow Sea.

남송의 지방재정에 대해서 -절동로 경원부(명주)의 재정수지를 중심으로-

김영제 ( Young Jae Kim ) 중국사학회 2002 中國史硏究 Vol.21 No.-

Qing-yuan-fu(??元府) in the early of 13th century in Southern Song Dynasty. First, in case of the revenue the Liang-shui(兩稅) examined about the financial circumstances of formed about 62%. the liquor tax formed about 10%, the trade tax formed about 6%. estate trade charge(牙契) formed about 5%. and the miscellaneous tax formed about 15%. And in case of inclusion of mian-yi-qian(免役錢) and Hu-tian-mi(湖田米) which were treated with miscelloaneous revenue, the land tax on the broad sense formed 74%. In case of Qing-yuan-fu. we can confirm that the land tax namely the direct tax took a majority. However the high percentage of the land tax out of the financial revenue was not only in Qing-yuan-fu but in Jiang-xi(江西) Zhen-jiang-fu(鎭江府), Wu-zhou(撫州) and Zhe-xi(浙西) Zhen-jing-fu(鎭江府). Next, in case of the expenditure, 85% of the revenue was expended for central government delivery(朝廷??名), provincial delivery(監司??名) the cost of the local stationaries and the rest 15% was genuine administrative expenses. And Qing-yuan-fu had some income of non-regular account(不係省) of liquoF tax.This means there was a little margin funds and they could use the finance flexibly. In this aspect the case of Qing-yuan-fu the revenue of the liquor tax was specially significant in the finance. In case of Qing-yuan-fu, I guess it had a geographical advantage as a representative trade port which was contiguous to capital city of lin-an-fu(臨安府). Moreover stationary troops(禁軍, 廂軍, 土軍, 水軍) were stationed, so I think the public peace must be good. That is to say there was excellent public peace and had a distinguishing mark as a consumption city because it located in a strategic traffic place. So in that place, authorities attached great importance to get the liquor tax which didn’t cause the taxation resistance. Just like this aspect was compared with other developing or underdeveloped circumstances which got out of deficiency of local finance by imposition of land tax surcharge(加耗米).

교역에 대한 宋朝의 태도와 高麗海商의 활동

김영제(Kim Young-Jae) 역사학회 2012 역사학보 Vol.0 No.213

The Song Dynasty limited trade to countries which represented a military threat to their regime. However, when a country did not impinge upon Song’s safety, then that country was permitted to trade. In the case of Khitan(遼), which the Song regarded as a hostile country, land trade(?場交易) monitored by authorities was permitted, but marine trade(海上交易) was forbidden. After the invasion of Khitan, Goryeo broke off relations with Song, and was forced to align with Khitan. Consequently Song regarded Goryeo as under the control of a hostile country, Khitan. As such, Goryeo could not dispatch its own marine merchants to Song. During the King Renzong’s (仁宗) reign, the Song Dynasty had intentions to align with Goryeo to restore its diplomatic power. As such, Renzong of Song suggested that if Goryeo aligned with Song, it could trade with Song. After Shenzong(神宗) of Song ascended the throne, he suggested this issue to Goryeo again, and following Goryeo eventual acceptance, the alliance was formalized. Since Munjong of Goryeo allied with the Song, the activities of Goryeo merchants had been identified as of particular interest. Due to the participation of Goryeo merchants, sea trade in East Asia was no longer exclusively composed of Song merchants, which triggered increases in multilateral trade. Meanwhile Goryeo merchants continued to come and go to official ports in Southern China except during the outbreak of war in China itself.

송대(宋代) 발운사(發運使)의 역할(役割)과 그 지위(地位)의 변화(變化)

김영제 ( Young Jae Kim ) 중국사학회 2007 中國史硏究 Vol.50 No.-

논문 : 송(宋),고려(高麗) 교역(交易)과 송상(宋商) -송상(宋商)의 경영형태(經營形態)와 그들의 고려거주공간(高麗居住空間)을 중심(中心)으로-

김영제 ( Young Jae Kim ) 수선사학회 2009 史林 Vol.0 No.32

송대(宋代) 각국(各國) 해상(海商)의 왕래(往來)와 국적(國籍) 판별(判別)의 근거(根據) -특히 고려해상(高麗海商)의 활동(活動)과 관련(關聯)하여-

김영제 ( Young Jae Kim ) 중국사학회 2016 中國史硏究 Vol.102 No.-

In Song Dynasty, there were so many ships and merchants flocking to the coastal port using a seasonal wind. Official of Song customs issued to its own marine traders ``Gongbing`` guaranteeing identity. Likewise other countries issued ``Gongbing`` to their marine traders. Through these ``Gongbing``, China had a good grasp of nationality of ships and merchants. Koryo also judged nationality of ships and merchants through Gongbing. Consequently, Gongbing functioned as today`s passport. There are records on Korea ships and merchant in the historical material of the Song Dynasty. It was judged by Customs offices(市舶司) of Song Dynasty based on the Gongbing issued by Koryo. In the meantime there were two types of Korea`s marine merchant. One type was Korean and the other was naturalized Korean from China. That is both types of Korean marine traders took part in trade with Song China. Therefore at that time both Song`s merchant in nationality and Korean merchant in nationality participated in marine trade of East Asia.