풍수설화의 유형 분류

장장식(張長植) 한국민속학회 1989 韓國民俗學 Vol.22 No.1

논문 : 언문 (諺文) 뒤풀이 고 (고)

장장식 ( Jang Sik Jang ) 국제어문학회 1987 국제어문 Vol.8 No.-

몽골의 ‘어머니바위’ 신앙과 전승 현장

장장식 국립민속박물관 2002 민속학연구 Vol.- No.11

한ㆍ몽 ‘고누’놀이 비교 연구

張長植(Jang Jang-sik),박진태(토론자) 비교민속학회 2002 비교민속학 Vol.22 No.-

Gonu game that has been enjoyed by Koreans and Mongolians can be played variously. The game can be changed by magnifying a playing board or from simple to complex shape. Since the game is transformed more easily than any other game, it is relatively flexible. Stones or animal bones are used for Gonu pieces. If there is not a wooden board, one can play the game by drawing on the bare ground. This shows the simplicity of the game, which makes it popular among the ordinary people. There are three kinds of methods for playing Gonu : besieging by putting pieces one by one in order, killing pieces by moving them on the board from the beginning, removing pieces when meeting the opponent’s. By mixing the above methods, it can be played variously. The most essential part of this game is player’s intellectual judgment and coping ability. Because people can develop their intellectual ability by playing this game, it was loved by both Koreans and Mongolians. Considering the face that the playing board of Ruchi, a kind of Gonu, was found in the inner Mongolia and the excavation site of Manangung, the history of Gonu is longer than thought. In Korea, a board in which Chamkkoni was drawn was found in a celadon porcelain kiln in Hwanghae-do Bongcheon-gun Wonsan-ri, which means that the history of Gonu can be traced back to the early 10th century. However, it is evident that both countries have deep origin of Gonu. I draw a conclusion summarizing discussions on it so far. Firstly, the origin of the word Gonu may be derived from Gu and Rok. Also, according to a book titled 『Mulbobakhui』, Umulgono was possibly related with Gonu. This is a linguistic task that should be explored with sufficient supporting materials. Secondly, after comparing several types of Gonu of Korea and Mongolia, I found that its board and playing method are almost identical. Some other games enjoyed by certain ethnic groups in China are also very similar to Gonu. The process of its diffusion has to be analyzed in the future. Thirdly, in addition, it is revealed that the genre painting of Gonu by Kim Hong-Do is not actually the picture of Gonu, but thar of Korean four-stick game. Originally, the painting had not a title but Murayama Jijun named it in his book 『Local Entertainment of Korea』, Since then, many research paper and books used the name without critique. So it should be corrected properly. Moreover, four-wheel Gonu, Seonjeongi of China, Paeraengi Gonu (or Sipja Gonu), and Sipjagi are interrelated and in-depth comparative research on Gonu including the above items which aims at competing with intelligence should be done in the future.

참고누 도판의 현존 상황과 의미

장장식 한국암각화학회 2012 한국암각화연구 Vol.16 No.-

한·몽 역만자 문양( )의 비교 시론

장장식 국립민속박물관 2015 민속학연구 Vol.0 No.36

Considering that Buddhist paintings with left-facing swastika patterns were concentrated in late Goryeo era, an importation of influences from Yuan period China can be contemplated, although this has not yet been proved. Indeed Buddha wears left-facing swastika symbol on his chest was one characteristic of late Goryeo Buddhist paintings, this figure was changed into right-facing swastika or died out by Joseon dynasty. This is an artistic phenomenon of Buddhist paintings. 'Geodonsaji Wongong Guksa Seungmyotapbi(圓空國師勝妙塔碑, Tortoise-borne stele of National Preceptor Wonggong at the site of Geodon temple)' in Wonju, South Korea is one of Buddhist relics worth referring to. This stele, erected in 1025(King Hyeonjong 16th year), has important designs carved on its tortoise pedestal: 1.2 meters tall stone tortoise is incised with symmetrical hexagons based on the nearly hexagonal shape of tortoise's shell, right-facing and left-facing swastikas are engraved inside the hexagons accompanied by flower motifs. It is the oldest-known artifact; two forms of the swastikas are co-existing. This represents that left-facing swastika symbols were already in use before 'Buddha Amitabha', the Goryeo Buddhist painting in 1286. Then, this might suggest two things: that the beginning of left-facing swastika pattern in Korea cannot be dated to the period of cultural exchange between Korea and Mongolia, and the pattern itself also cannot be limited to the motifs of late Goryeo period. Unfortunately, however, relics prior to Wongong Guksa Seungmyotapbi have not yet been found. Among the Buddhist ceremonial objects bearing the swastika patterns, 'Cheongdongjeeunipsahyangwan(靑銅製銀入絲香垸, Bronze incense burner with inlaid silver design of Pyochungsa Temple)' is noteworthy. It was made in the late Goryeo(14th century) and four left-facing swastikas are decorated symmetrically with silver thread on its surface. These patterns belong to the same period as the left-facing swastika symbols in the Goryeo Buddhist painting, 'Buddha Amitabha' in 1286. Another artifact can be compared to this incense burner is 'Cheongdongjeeunipsajeongbyeong(靑銅製銀入絲淨甁, Bronze Kundik with inlaid silver design)' housed in the National Museum of Korea. This bronze bottle is engraved swastika motif in four directions around the upper neck portion. It is dated from 'Wongong Guksa Seungmyotapbi' to between the late Goryeo Buddhist painting and 'Cheongdongjeeunipsahyangwan'. The change of patterns in Buddhist art might be inferred from this given context. Another example of bearing swastika patterns is 'Cheoljebuseoksamyunghyangwan(鐵製銀入絲浮石寺銘香垸, Iron incense burner inscribed Buseoksa with silver). With four standardized swastika symbols carved, it was produced in 1739 when swastikas began to wane in Buddhist art. Presumed to be made during the late Goryeo era, 'Embroidered Screen, Penjing in the four seasons'(刺繡四季盆景圖, housed in the Museum of Korean Embroidery), designated as National Treasure No. 653, is the oldest extant embroidered folding screen. Differing from embroidered screens of Joseon, this screen consists of four panels and portrays a lotus pot, a lantern, and 'seven treasures' motifs. In addition, a swastika pattern appears in the bottom of the second panel. With this motif, the influence of Buddhism can be assumed. A swastika design, unlike its disappearance from Buddhism and its art, was widely used in folk household items during the Joseon dynasty. The motif was applied to decorate in almost everything from official uniforms to common household objects, and survived until modern and present age. This means that it was not only a familiar motif in daily lives, but a symbol which conformed to the traditional ideal. Then, what can be expected from the comparative study on swastika patterns between Korea and Mongolia in the future? Firstly, the tradition of swastika patterns in the late Gorye...

몽골의 ‘어머니나무’신앙과 한식맞이굿

장장식(Jang Jang-Sik) 한국무속학회 2002 한국무속학 Vol.0 No.4

필자는 2001년 4월 5일 셀렝게 아이막 토진나르스 아부개 뎁섹에 있는 어머니나무를 답사하고, 그곳에서 연행된 박수 뱜바도르지의 한식맞이굿과 신자들의 신앙행위를 관찰ㆍ조사했다. 이 굿은 전통적인 굿과 어느 정도 관련이 있는지는 확실하지 않으나 몇 가지 점에서 상당히 중요한 의미를 띤 굿이다. 첫째, 그 동안 금지되어 신앙행위가 중단되었던 어머니나무신앙이 민주화 이후 공식적으로 복권되었음을 뜻한다. 둘째, 중국의 세시 명절인 한식이 지닌 ‘만물이 생동하는 날’이라는 의미를 담아열린 굿판이라는 점에서 ‘한식맞이굿’이라 할 수 있다. 셋째, 어머니나무는 인칭인 ‘어머니’로 부를 정도로 신앙성이 강한 곳이며, 이에 대한 경외심이 어느 곳보다 높다는 점이다. 넷째, 어머니나무를 둘러싸고 생성ㆍ유포되는 담론의 주지는 곧 어머니신앙에 대한 신앙심의 표시인 동시에 어머니신앙을 확대하고 재생산하는 구실을 한다. 필자는 본격적인 논의 차원은 아니지만 어머니나무와 굿판의 현장을 기술하면서 단절된 전통의 현대적 복원과 관련된 담론들을 검토해 보았다. 이러한 기초 작업을 통해 몽골 무속에 대한 연구가 더욱 치밀하게 이루어질 것으로 기대한다. I visited the “Mother Tree” in Sellenge Aimag Tojinnars Abgai Debseg on April 5, 2001 and conducted a fieldwork on the religious activities of gut(shamanistic ritual) for Hansik(“Cold Food” day) performed by a shaman called Byambadorji. In this article, I examined the understanding of Mongolians concerning the “Mother Tree” as well as its name and history based on the fieldwork and described its rituals. Of course, I included what I observed in the research as it was. I was not able to analyze it elaborately since I might not know well about Mongolian folklore as a whole. I would like to summarize the main points of what I found. Even though, it is not quite sure whether gut for the “Mother Tree” is related to the traditional gut, it is very important in following aspects. Firstly, the belief of the “Mother Tree” which had been interrupted was formally restored after the democratization in 1990. Secondly, shamans who had been prohibited were allowed to participate actively in gut rituals. Thirdly, it can be called gut for the “Mother Tree” considering the meaning of Hansik, one of the Chinese seasonal festive days, on which everything is fresh and vivid. Fourthly, as the tree is called mother, their faith is very strong and the tree is heavily respected more than any other things. Considering the increasing number of objects for belief due to the restoration of once closed temples, worship for this place by unexpectedly large number of people means the deep and peculiar disposition of Mongolians toward mother. Traditionally, Mongolians have called the master of earth and water ‘etugen’. Of course, it came from the words signifying mother, the abdomen of mother, or the womb of mother. The importance of earth and water was represented by comparing them with mother. In this respect, in spite of its unclear origin, the “Mother Tree” is rooted in the conception of worshipping earth and belief for trees. Fifthly, the gist of discourse created and distributed concerning the “Mother Tree” is related to sacredness and divinity. It indicates the expression of faith toward the “Mother Tree” and will contribute to the expansion and reproduction of its belief. Though my discussion is not complete, I tried to review discourse concerning the contemporary restoration of disrupted tradition by describing the meanings of the “Mother Tree” and gut. On the basis of this basic work, the research on the Mongolian folklore will be conducted more elaborately. Also, I intend to report a belief on the “Mother Tree” located in Tuv Aimag, in which I can make concrete analysis on the belief of the “Mother Tree”.

영일만 칠포리 암각화군 소재, 윷판형 암각화의 형성과 의례성

장장식 한국암각화학회 2019 한국암각화연구 Vol.23 No.-

포항시 칠포리 암각화는 한국 암각화의 한 특징을 구성한다는 점에서 중요하고, 칠포리는‘영 일만(迎日灣)’이라는 지역적 특성을 기반으로 한 선사문화의 장소적 Core, 이른바 장소자산성 (Character of Place asset)은 주목할 만하다. 이 글은 칠포리 암각화군의 한 축을 이루는‘윷 판형 암각화’를 기본 대상으로 한다. 우리나라에서 발견된 윷판형 암각화는 85곳, 281점이다. 이 가운데 칠포리 암각화군에 소재 한 윷판은 개체수로 볼 때 우리나라 최대의 분포지이다. 더욱 주목할 만한 것은 고인돌 위에 새 겨진 윷판이다. 고인돌의 편년이 청동기 시대라는 점 때문이다. 아울러 신흥리 오줌바위의 윷판 형 암각화는 W자형 별자리(Cassiopeia) 성혈(cup mark)과 북극성 및 윷판형 암각화가 일정한 대응 관계로 함께 새겨진 사례이다. 이들 자료를 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 윷판형 암각화는 원형(○)과 원형 내의 +자 꼴로 이루어진 도판(十)이다. 그러나 이 도 판은 연결선이 없이 중심의 바위구멍을 중심으로 28개의 작은 바위구멍이 +자형으로 배열되어 있다. +자의 방향성을 타진할 때, 제작의 당시성(當時性)을 반영하고 있는 것으로 추측되며, 방 향이 각각 다르다는 점에서 계절제와 같은 의례의 반복적·누가적 산물으로 보인다. 둘째, 윷판형 암각화는 현행의 민속놀이에 그대로 적용되는 도판이다. 그렇기 때문에 놀이용 으로 볼 수 있다. 그러나 한 암면에 다수의 윷판이 존재하고 경사면에 제작되기도 하며, 중첩되 거나 미완의 윷판이 존재하고, 건축물의 주춧돌에서도 발견된다는 점을 주목해야 한다. 이를 준 거로 윷판형 암각화가 놀이보다는 의례와 관련된 결과물이라는 결론을 내릴 수 있다. 셋째, 도형적인 측면에서 윷판형 암각화는 북극성을 중심으로 한 북두칠성의 운행을 모사한 것이라는 결론이다. 이는 천체론적인 우주질서를 모방하고 이를 통해 인간의 질서를 안정화하려 는 의지가 반영된 것이라는 해석이 가능하다. 그러므로 중국의 유학적 천문인식이 이입되기 전 에 이미 존재했던 자발적인 천문학적 지식이 존재했음을 뜻하기도 한다. 넷째, 윷판형 암각화는 북극성(Polaris)을 중심으로 한 북두칠성의 일주를 모사한 도형이라는 결론이다. 그리고 이 도형은 특정 시기(춘분에서 입하까지)를 반영한 계절제의 상관물(Ritual Correlative)이고, 이를 통해 농경 관련 의례를 수행한 성소적(Sacred sites) 기능을 수행한 것 으로 추정된다. 이런 점에서 칠포리 암각화군에 소재한 윷판형 암각화는 거듭 주목받아야 하고, 이를 보유하 고 있는 칠포리 암각화군은 특별한 장소자산성(Character of Place asset)을 가진 선사문화의 기념비적인 유적이라 할 수 있다. Chilpori Petroglyphs in Pohang city are important at the view of that they comprise a characteristics of Korean petroglyphs. And Chilpori deserves the attention as a Core in its place of the prehistoric culture based on the regional characteristics of Yongil bay, so-called the Character of Place asset. The subject of this paper is basically on the ‘Yut-board Type Petroglyphs’ which is an axis of the Chilpori Petroglyphs group. There are 85 Yut-board Type Petroglyphs found in 281 places of Korea. Among them, Chilpori Petroglyphs group sitess has the most number of the Yut-board Type Petroglyphs in Korea. The most notable point is the Yut-board Type carvings on the dolmens that is recognized as the Bronze Age’s culture in chronological order. In addition, the Yut-board Type Petroglyph of ShinHeungri’s Ozoom(pee)-Rock is the example carved with the W-shaped Cassiopeia, cup mark and the polar star and Ozoom(taking a pee)-Rock in a way of certain correspondence. After analyzing petroglyphs and carvings above I reached the conclusion as follows. First, the Yut-board Type Petroglyphs are the ‘㊉’ shape of boards consisted of a circle(○) and a ‘+’ shape in the circle. However each of them has 28 small rock-holes arranged in a + shape around the central rock-hole like dotted lines (without connecting line). It is presumed that they reflect the something unique of that time when carving them with the directions of the + shape. And it seems to be the repetitive and overlapped outcomes of the same kind of ritual ceremonies as the seasonal rites in that the directions are respectively different. Second, the Yut-board Type Petroglyphs are applied to the current folk games, therefore they could be carved for play. However it should be noted that there are a number of Yut-boards on one side of a rock, they are carved on slopes, overlapped or uncompleted and also found on the foundatin stones of buildings. So it can be explained that the Yut-board Type Petroglyphs exist as the Ritual Correlatives rather than the playing boards. Third, it is concluded that the Yut-board Type Petroglyphs are copy of the movement of the Big Dipper around the Polar Star from the point of view of figure. This can be interpreted that they reflected the intention to copy the celestial cosmic system and stabilize the human order through the Yut-board. Therefore it also means that there existed the astronomical knowledge established by themselves before introducing the astronomical knowledge of Confucianism from China. Fourth, it is concluded that the Yut-board Type Petroglyphs is a figure that simulates the circumference of the Big Dipper centered around the Polar star. And it is assumed that this figure is the correlative of seasonal rites that reflects a specific period of time (from the spring equinox to the beginning of summer) and carries the function as the Sacred sitesss that performed agricultural rites. In these respects the Yut-board Type Petroglyphs located in Chilpori Petroglyphs sitess should be repeatedly noted. Chilpori Petroglyphs sitess which holds them is a monumental relics of prehistoric culture with a special Character of Place asset as well.

몽골 보리야드족 무속의 특징과 전승 문제

장장식(Jang Jang-Sik) 한국민속학회 2002 韓國民俗學 Vol.35 No.1

During a short stay in Mongolia, I met about ten shamans, some of whom were not fully qualified. In a sense, they disturbed my research on Mongolian shamanism more or less. However, they played an important role in grasping the present stare of Mongolian shamanism. No doubt that it is very difficult for me to discuss the shamanism in Mongolia, which is comprised of diverse people and culture. Therefore, I will explain the shamanism of the Boriyad in this thesis. I will go on my research on Mongolian shamanism through the steady field study. First, the name of Mongolian shamans such as white or black ones was not classified according to the valuation of good and evil, but what they worshiped which direction god. White signifies the west and black does the east. This originated in worshipping gods existing each direction. On the contrary, the concept of yellow and black shamans was formed historically due to the introduction of Tibetan Buddhism to Mongolia. Shamans accepting Tibetan Buddhism became yellow ones and shamans keeping their original world view were black ones. The concept of yellow and black shamans will be a case to represent the cultural history on the points associated with the conflict between the shamanistic tradition and other religions. Second, the shamanistic divinities of the Boriyad can be largely classified into two part s : the divinities of nature and human and they can be divided into two parts in a narrow sense : Tengere-Borhang gods and earth and protecting gods. The lower the gods’ ranks were, the larger they affected human. Third, chanar, a ceremony to become a shaman, represents the features of the Boriyad shamanism in that they built the ceremonial place by planting trees in the plain and performed the ceremony to climb the mountain. Besides that, they took an oath to observe 13 articles, it was influenced by Tibetan Buddhism. Forth, Mongolian shamanism has been rapidly revived since 1990. The shamanistic behaviors which was prohibited in the society has been resurrected and shamans replay an important role in a society. Therefore, the shamanism traditions will be a precious material to better understand the cultural exchange of Mongolia.

구비담론으로 본 군자봉 성황제-군자봉 성황당신화를 중심으로-

장장식 한국민속학회 2004 韓國民俗學 Vol.40 No.-