唱劇硏究

康龍權 東亞大學校 1964 東亞論叢 Vol.2 No.1

The purpose of the thesis is first to study the various aspects of the Korean classical opera---its contents, form and manner of production---in terms of dramatic principles, and secondly to define the position of the classical opera from a standpoint of the history of drama. The following conclusion has been drawn. 1. The dramatic arts in existence before the appearance of the classical opera were the marionette and the mask plays. The actors in these primitive forms of drama were either puppets or masked persons. The major elements of both these forms of play were the dance harmonized to the tune and mimicry expressing a succession of simple plots. Accordingly they were mainly visual arts. On the other hand, in the classical opera, the actor or actors are the natural men without any mask. It tells a story rather than showing a mere succession of plots. It depends on songs rather than upon mere tunes. It is, therefore, mainly auditory rather than visual arts. Thus the Korean classical opera may be termed as a primitive form of the western opera. And it has made some contribution to the development in Korea of the modern drama as audio-visual arts. It marks a period of transition in the development of drama from emphasis upon sensuous elements to psychological elements in human affairs. 2. The form of Korean classical opera was established during the Soonjo era of the Ree Dynasty in Cholla and Chungchung provinces (especially in the northern part of Cholla province). Of the existing twelve pieces of the classical opera, five (Choonhyang-jon, Shimchung-jon, Chukpyuk-ka, Hungbo-jon and Tobyul-ga) wera most frequently sung and acted. The opera frequently presented elements of psychological drama. The manner of narrative, however, was usually a song sung in solo. And the external or formal effects were aimed at through a strict observance of the rulers of delivery. As a result it failed to achieve the profundity of real arts. Thus although it is difficult to declare that the classical opera reached beyond the category of a primitive folk arts, it was a form of dramatic arts in a far advanced stage from marionettes or masks. In the method of production, the classical opera may be compared to the Song-gok and Won-gok (both classical Chinese opera), and also to the minstrelsy of the Middle Age France. After the Wongaksa Movement (a new theatre movement in Korea) the Korean classical opera adopted newer methods of singing in dialogue or singing with multiple cast of singers. 3. The actors or singers always belonged to the lower class of society and were treated as such. But their genius and skill in their medium of artistic expression were enough to qualify themselves as genuine artists. They were not only engaged in acting or singing, but also in adaptation and production of the opera. This was the case with marionettes and masks. In creation of scripts, however, they far excelled the artists of marionettes and masks. Sometimes their scripts were in many respects superior to those adapted from foreign sources in the New Theatre period. With the idiosyncratic method of singing particular to each school, and the tradition of the hereditary occupation, and with the strict rules of the master-deciple relationship. These actors or singers established a deeply-rooted tradition in the operatic literature, and made a noteworthy contribution to the development of drama in this country. 4. In the light of the nature and characteristics of the Korean classical opera, its position or genre in the history of Korean drama may be defined as in the following chart. (1) Mask Play dance play(without dialogue) Sandae-Guk(dance with dialogue) (2) Marionette puppet play Ancient Drama Mansuk Chung Nori(pantomime) Shadow picture play (3)Classical Opera opera in solo opera in multiple case Old Drama (4) New Drama Shin-Pa play(after Wongaksa Movement in 1909) New Drama (after Towolhoe Movement in 1922) New Drama (5) Modern Drama (after 1945)------------------------------------Modern Drama

韓國 人形劇本의 考察

康龍權 東亞大學校 1970 東亞論叢 Vol.7 No.-

There have been pragmentary comments on the Korean puppet shows, but their scripts have never been studied before. Comparative analysis of the three existing puppet show scripts in the light of drama scinario and drama literature has led me to the following conclusions. (1) Korean puppet show scripts were drama from the same source. (2) Their writing seem to have begun with the rise of popula literature after Hideyoshi's invasion of Korea in 1592 and the chinese invasion of Korea in 1637. (3) Unlike those used in mask drama and Korean classical opera, lifted stages were used in puppet shows. (4) The writer of the script also produced and the show, which is characteristic of the drama of the ancient times. (5) Actions were performed by puppets and words were uttered by the puppet operator. (6) Since action and words counted of first importance in puppet spows, its method of expression was aud io-visual. (7) No sequence was observed in the plot of the puppet show; there was considerable flexibility in its handling, (8) Ideal elements were expressed in the following order of prominence: Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and necromancy. (9) Much of farcical element was found in puppet shows.

三元놀이의 祭儀性 攷

康龍權 東亞大學校 1984 東亞論叢 Vol.21 No.1

An investigation of Samwon plays and their religious character leads to the following conclusion. Samwon has very much to do with farming seasons. Sangwon (Janurary 15th of the lunar calendar) and Hawon (Octover 15th of the lunar calendar) is a day of brief respite. Sangwon, which occurs at the beginning of the year, happens to be the day when farmers pray for a fruitful year. On Choongwon, when their toilsome sowings followed by the weeding for the third time are finished they begin to expect a spell of favorable weather conductive to a good crop. And Hawon is the day of harvest festival or, as it were, as Thanksgiving day. Samwon is directly connected with farming. That is the time when farmers observe a kind of religious service dedicated to the god of farming. And the plays, which are performed on this occasion to please the god, can be said to be part of farming ceremony. It follows that they pay tribute to their god by observing a religious service at the outset of the plays. Baikjoong play (the Buddhist All Souls' Day) has to do with god of farming, while the tug of war and the autumnal exorcism are exclusively devoted to their guardian deity. The popular belief that farmers' plays are intended to express respect for god and that they are enacted according to the oracle of a guardian deity results in the harmorization of villagers centering around their guardian deity. The nucleus of a village is not performers or influential figuares of the village but all the village folks, who spontaneously take part in the community activities, a festival which winds up by strengthening the solidarity of the whole village folks.

泗川埋香碑 攷

康龍權 東亞大學校 文理科大學 附屬 韓國民俗文化硏究所 1978 民俗文化 Vol.1 No.1

The Sacheon monument to a buried Chinese juniper, which is found at san-48, Hungsa-ri, Gonyang-myeon, Sacheon-gun, Gyeongsagnam-do, was erected in 1357. This monument had been lying unknown until the present writer found it June 6, 1977. This Stone monument, which is specified as an item of treasure (Treasure No. 614). The monument of biotite granite, which is 106 cm. high, 120 cm. wide, and 120 cm. thick, has 204 Chinese characters engraved on it. The inscription expresses the erector's iong cherished wish to attend Budhfist mass burning the buried Chinese juniper waiting for the advent of the Merciful Budhh and go to Nirvana after death. The present paper shows tha whereabouts of the monument to the burided Chinese juniper, its form and its inscription. The procedure in burial of Chinese junipers, with its historical and religious background is yet to be thoroughly studied.

駕山五廣大의 特性

康龍權 국어국문학회 1972 국어국문학 Vol.- No.55-57

「虛婚에 관한 考察」

康龍權 한국민속학회 1980 韓國民俗學 Vol.13 No.1

한매 崔正如博士 頌壽紀念 民俗語文論叢

康龍權 국어국문학회 1984 국어국문학 Vol.- No.92

民俗藝能의 變遷에 관한 考察 : In the Case of Soo-yeong Ya-ryoo 수영야류<水營野遊>의 경우

康龍權 東亞大學校 文科大學 附設 韓國民俗文化硏究所 1981 民俗文化 Vol.3 No.1

This paper has sought to find the process of the development of Soo-yeong Ya-ryoo. In the present writer's opinion, it has been developed in three stages; and each stages has its own social-background with diversed styles and varied amounts of people's interest in it. From the results of this research, the following conclusions were obtained; 1) Soo-yeong district had been a typical farmers community up to 1945. After sixties, however, it began to experience urbanization and as the result, most of agricultural field had been transfered into residential areas and has been under obligation of modernization. 2) In this circumstances, the Ya-ryoo had been destined to meet various changes. Until sixties, it had been fairly well supported and attracted by the villagers as a religious riot, however, this mask flay was getting to be ignored as time passed, and lost its religious role and only marry- making function has been maintained. 3) The Ya-ryoo has experienced many changes including deformation of mask shapes, process of its performance etc., In view of this, the present author sets forth some suggestions for the appropriate means of preservation and restoration of this play. 4) The Soo-yeong Ya-ryoo has been handed down with its origin on farming community up to new suffering from being nearly on the brink of decease, Nevertheless, the ardent aspiration of some natives to restore their own cultural heritage gives hope to rehabiliate it.

고성(固城)의 오광대(五廣大)와 농요(農謠)

강용권 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 1998 石堂論叢 Vol.27 No.-

해외연구 항일독립전쟁에서의 비밀연락방법

강용권 역사문제연구소 1992 역사비평 Vol.- No.18