고르바초프시대의 蘇聯의 第3世界政策

余康模 경북대학교 환태평양연구소 1992 環太平洋硏究 Vol.5 No.-

The Purpose of this study is to describe the nature and significance and define the role of Gorbachev's Policy toward the Third World. Of course, Many observers will continue to argue that Gorbachev's new thinking is tactical, that he is simply pursuing traditional Soviet objectives through more flexible policies. They will contend that, when the Soviets have strengthened their economic base, they will return to a more aggressive policy of military growth and expansionism. However, I believe that while Moscow's policies remain rooted in its ongoing and essential need to secure its basic national interests, including physical security, economic viability, political legitimacy, new thinking represents a dramatic reorientation of Soviet strategy and objectives, generated by a shift in fundamental perceptions and assumptions. Under Gorbachev, the Soviet have redefined the components of Soviet national interest and the Soviet Union itself, in East Europe, in East-West relations, in the arms control agenda, and in the Third World. This study have been focused on the impact of 'new thinking' on the Third World. First of all, when I think of the assumptions and objectives as well as the nature of the policies pursued by the Moscow in the Third World, I will find that the Soviet leaderships before Gorbachev had tried to achieve the military parity or superiority with the United States as the primary goal of Soviet Policy, but Gorbachev tried to achieve the economic reconstruction and growth. This fundamental shift occured because of the leaderships had come to believe that Soviet national interests were no longer being served by "old thinking", Rather, they recognized that those interests were being threatened by a deteriorating economy and an inability to participate and compete successfully in the international economic community. And Gorbachev's reformulation of the Soviet union's Third World Agenda is not his own creation, it has drawn of progressive Soviet academic thought of the past 40 years that cautioned against an overzealous approach to the excceedingly complex Third World setting. But there remain major impediments to the continued auccess of 'new thinking'. There are dramatic forces at work inside the CIS itself as well as in the Third World, where turbulent political and social settings, interethnic rivalries, infighting among country leaders, religious rivalries, and interstate conflicts. And the CIS's own internal economic and political problems will affect the CIS's foreign policy toward the Third World in the future.

Ca/Si(111) 2 $\times$ 1 표면에서 Si 원자의 흡착과 확산에 대한 연구

여강모,정석민 한국물리학회 2016 새물리 Vol.66 No.10

Recent theoretical research has led to a proposal that the silicon structure with a periodic Seiwatz defect has a direct band gap. If such a defect structure is to be realized, a surface with the Seiwatz chain structure is required, which is seen in the Ca/Si(111) 2 $\times$ 1 surface. We present our first-principles calculation on the absorption and the diffusion of Si atoms on the Ca/Si(111) 2 $\times$ 1 surface, which is important in understanding the initial stage of the silicon epitaxial growth on the surface. Extensive searches for one, two and three Si adatoms provide the most stable adsorption structures. A single Si adatom favors the site surrounded by three Si adatoms and two Ca atoms. For two Si adatoms, the adatom dimer is formed parallel to the Seiwatz chain. With one more adatom, a linear chain is formed along the Seiwatz chain. The calculated potential-energy surface (PES) for a single Si adatom shows that the diffusion energy barriers are 1.0 eV and 1.8 eV parallel and perpendicular to the Seiwatz chain on the surface, respectively. The anisotropic adatom diffusion and formation of linear adatom clusters suggest Si epitaxial growth on the Ca/Si(111) 2 $\times$ 1 surface. 최근의 이론연구에 따르면 Si(111)면에 Seiwatz 사슬구조의 결함층이 주기적으로 반복되는 실리콘 구조는 직접 띠틈을 가질 것이라는 주장이 있다. Si(111)면에 Seiwatz 사슬구조의 결함층이 주기적으로 반복되는 구조를 제작하기에는 Seiwatz 사슬 구조를 가지는 안정한 표면이 필요하다. Ca/Si(111) 2 $\times$ 1 은 Seiwatz 사슬 구조를 가지는 안정한 표면이다. 제일원리계산 방법을 이용하여 Ca/Si(111) 2 $\times$ 1 위에서 실리콘의 켜쌓기 성장(epitaxial growth)의 초기상태를 이해하는 데 중요한 실리콘 원자의 흡착과 확산을 계산했다. 실리콘 흡착원자가 한 개, 두 개, 세 개 일 때 흡착된 실리콘 원자 당 평균 흡착에너지를 계산, 비교해서 가장 안정한 구조를 찾았다. 흡착원자가 세 개일 경우 가장 안정한 구조는 실리콘 사슬에 나란한 직선 모양이었고, 실리콘 원자 당 평균 흡착에너지는 3.91 eV이었다. 실리콘 흡착원자의 확산을 이해하기 위해서 potential energy surface (PES)를 계산하여 가능한 확산 경로와 확산 에너지장벽을 얻었다. 확산 에너지장벽은 표면의 Seiwatz 사슬구조와 나란한 방향으로 1.0 eV, 사슬구조를 가로지르는 방향으로 1.8 eV이다. 실리콘 흡착원자의 비등방적 확산과 흡착원자의 1차원 클러스터 형성으로 켜쌓기 성장의 가능성이 높음을 예상할 수 있다.

Ca/Si(111)-2x1에서 에피성장을 통한 Si단결정 성장가능성에 관한 Si원자의 흡착과 확산에 대한 전산모사연구

여강모,정석민 한국진공학회 2016 한국진공학회 학술발표회초록집 Vol.2016 No.2

냉전시대이후의 동북아 국제질서 : 변화와 전망

여강모 한국동북아학회 1996 한국동북아논총 Vol.1 No.3

한국 신정부의 대미정책에 관한 연구 : 평가와 전망

여강모(余康模) 한국동북아학회 1998 한국동북아논총 Vol.3 No.1

남부아프리카 지역통합의 대내외적 요인에 관한 연구

여강모(Yeo Kang Mo) 한국아프리카학회 2003 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.17 No.-

In the case of the regional integration in the Southern African area, the desirability of promoting regional integration among the states of Southern Africa is widely acknowledged. Multilateral agencies, non-governmental organizations, national governmental and academics, from within the regional and beyond, are united in their calls for some form of regional integration. With a few notable exception, there is remarkable degree of consensus that regionalism is not only desirable but also necessary. In fact, the most commonly cited justifications for regional integration arise from the problems associated with the small size of individual Southern African economies. Especially, the appeal of regionalism in Southern Africa is almost intuitive economically. By joining together, states are in a position to exploit larger scale economies, and at the same time, to restructure the regional economy in a way that benefits the production base of the region. This economic rationale explains why the creation of trading blocs has been, and continues to be, at the very center of intra-African cooperation. Ti is for this reason that the political economy of trade and trading blocs forms the focus of this paper. The aim of this paper is to review the state of regional in Southern Africa. It does this by, first of all, examining the theoretical background to regionalism in order to identify the principle policy options available to the states of Southern Africa. Second, it evaluates those factors most likely to determine the character and evolution of Southern African regionalism at the start of the 21st century. Finally it examines the political infrastructure of Southern African regionalism in the light of the policy options and principal factors outlined above.

소련의 對아프리카 외교정책

李宇榮,余康模 경북대학교 1986 社會科學 Vol.5 No.-

In the Mid-1950s, the Soviet Union launched a major effort to increase the quantity, quality, closeness, and effectiveness of its relations with all Third World countries, including those on the African Continent, regardless or in spite of traditional Stalinist assumptions that any sort of military and economic aid to noncommunist states was "ideologically unsound and counterrevolutionary." It is likely that "the plaque on both your house" attitude of the Bandung Conference toward the United States and the Soviet Union prompted the latter to review its policies toward the Third World and to attempt to overcome the isolation from which it suffered outside the communist orbit. The first tangible manifestation of this new departure may have been the military assistance offered to Egypt. Of cource, the Superpowers and their allies have different national economic and strategic interests at stake in Africa. The United States and Western Europe share an interest in preventing the Soviet Union from establishing itself as an important military actor in the continent and the surrounding oceans. And they share an economic interest in ensuring that they are not deprived of acess to Africa's strategic resources by Soviet-inspired national policies. They serve these interests by giving military and economic aid to key states, at the same time they have competitive economic interests in those African countries that appear to offer profitable markets and investment locations. The Soviet Union has recently displayed and increased strategic interest in establishing a network of naval and air facilities in Africa to enhance its own role as a new world naval power. It also has an interest in counteracting China's growing influence in the continent. So Soviet strategy in Africa as it has evolved over the last two decades emerges now as strictly progmatic-based on a worst case analysis. For these reasons, the Soviets have been expanding to the African states economic and military aid for achieving the goal of expansionism. That the Soviet Union determined that Africa had become a decisive battleground for great power competition would obviously bring about a tension of world scale and entails a substantial degree of risk.

中共의 對아프리카 경제원조 : 외교수단으로써 As a diplomatic means

李宇榮,余康模 경북대학교 사회과학대학 1985 社會科學 Vol.4 No.-

The People's Republic of China used economic aid as an important diplomatic weapon. Chinese aid to Africa didn't in fact commence until 1956(Egypt was the first recipient) and it did not reach truly significant proportions until after 1961, peaking at $ 195 million in 1964. From 1958 China increased the amount of aid and the number of aid recipients (125.6 million dollars to 8 countries), and established diplomatic relations with anti-Western African States in the 1960's. In 1964 China adopted eight principles of economic assistance which emphasized there are fundamental differences between China's economic aid and the economic aid of the two superpowers. In terms of purposes and terms, however, we do not see any significant difference between the two, even though there are minor differences. And China, using all these methods, propagated the superiority of the Chinese political and economic system to African leaders and peoples so that it could eliminate Soviet and American influence and to secure the leadership position in the Third World. From the Chinese perspective, economic relations with Africa serve an important symbolic function by establishing a Chinese international "presence", which suggests both status and power. Chna's economic "presence" has demonstrated China's real achievements and potential capabilities. Combining the real and symbolic, aside from the actual political and economic advantages to be derived from the proposed Tan-Zam railroad, China undoubtedly sees the railroad as an important symbol of China's presnce in Africa. And Peking's individual aid commitments were in general smaller projects than those of the USSR, but the relative smallness of the Chinese aid commitments should not be taken as a sign that Peking lacked interest in Africa, or as a reflection of Africa's unimportannce in the Sino-Soviet conflict. After all, because China's limited capacity to support African causes in straightforward power terms will not in all likelihood increase much. And China is determined to achieve its four modernizations program. Under such a circumstances, China is likely to devote its energy for its four modernization program and for the solution of crises in its surrounding, paying less attention to Africa. If this observation is correct, China will simply give lip-service, but not any substantial aid to African countries. Consequently, China will practically withdraw from Africa. It is in this scene that studies of China's foreign assistance programs are essential for an understanding of its foreign policy.

中共과 自由中國의 아프리카外交競合硏究 : 1956~1971

洪亮杓,余康模 경북대학교 환태평양연구소 1989 環太平洋硏究 Vol.2 No.-

Africa has become a battlefield in the Chinese competition. So to speak, the major theatre of conflict between the Chinese Communists and the Chinese Nationalists has been transferred from Chinese soil onto foreign territory. The Middle East, Southeast Asia, Latin America and other regions have all experienced Chinese competition, but nowhere has the rivalry become more intense than in Africa. Prior to the Late 1950's neither the PRC nor ROC had extensive contacts with Africa. Nor did either government have a direct stake in the region. Moreover, Africa itself was tabula rasa with respect to the China issue. What is more, It is precisely the newness of the venture that makes Chinese competition in Africa intriguing. Both contenders began their African assault de novo. So each has had to experiment and innovate according to the African response. However, at present, both Peking and Taipei are deeply involved in Africa. There has been a tendency to assume that only major powers or communist states utilize such instruments of foreign policy as foreign aid, good-will missions, cultural diplomacy, trade, agricultural technical assistance program, and similar programs to score political gains. The PRC-ROC's competition in Africa represents an excellent example. And the immediate importance of Africa to the ROC and the ORC is both political and economic in nature. Oneday to both, African support internationally became a matter of political life and death in UN. Finally, First, it is apparent that Africa occupied an important place in the Foreign policies of both Peking and Taipei. Second, notwithstanding the success of Taipei in Africa, the PRC-ROC's competition is not between equals. Third, Taipei has been able to compete effectively with Peking by being selective. These several conclusions may be reached on the basis of this brief survey of Chinese competition in Africa.

아세안의 자유무역지대화 정책 : 평가와 전망 Evaluation and Prospect

변창구,여강모 효성여자대학교 법정연구소 1997 법정연구 Vol.4 No.-

These days the international economic order is being reorganized by the regionalismwhich is represented as the European Union(EU), the North American Free TradeArea(NAFTA) and liberalism in trade known as the World Trade Organization(WTO). TheAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN) has tried to solidify the political, economic,and diplomatic cooperations among the member countries since it was formed in 1967.Especailly ASEAN has promoted to reinforce economic cooperation in many ways, but itseffect is very exceedingly limited. The most significant step in enhancing trade in ASEAN was the decision of the 4thASEAN Summit in 1992 to establish the ASEAN Free Trade Area(AFTA). The primaryobjective of AFTA was to enhance ASEAN's position as a competitive production basegeared 掠ward sevicing the global market. The Common Effective Preferential Tariff(CEPT)Scheme, which is the main mechanism for realizing AFTA, was launched on 1 January1993. The CEPT Scheme requires the reduction of tariffs for all products in the InclusionList the elimination of quantitative restriction as well as other non-tariff barriers. This thesis aims to study the real aspects of AFTA and exactly understand its developmental process. And so we have studied the backgrounds of establishing AFTA,and then analyzed its main contents which is included the Singapore Declaration, the Framework Agreement on Enhancing ASEAN Economic Cooperation and CEPT Arrangement. Finally we would like to have a vision of the AFTA by evaluating the effects and problems which is being occurred in the course of AFTA