화공안전분야 : 둔각 물체를 이용한 엔진 나셀 화재 소화 특성

이정란 ( Jung Ran Lee ),이의주 ( Eui Ju Lee ) 한국안전학회(구-한국산업안전학회) 2012 한국안전학회지 Vol.27 No.1

The purpose of the study is to assess the extinguishing concentration of inert gases in engine nacelle fire. The experiment was performed with a two dimensional rectangular bluff body stabilized flames, where the fuel was ejected to counter flow and co-flow against an oxidizer stream. Two inert gases, CO2 and N2, were used for extinguishing agent in the oxidizer and methane was used for fuel. The main experimental parameters were the direction of injecting fuel, the kinds of agent and the velocity ratio between air and fuel streams, which controlled the mixing characteristic near bluff body and the strength of recirculation zone in the downstream. The result shows the flame structure and the mode were strongly dependent with fuel/air ratio and the fuel jet direction. For both flow configurations, the extinguishing concentration of CO2 was smaller than the N2 because of the large heat capacity of CO2. However, the concentration of inert gasesat blowout was much smaller than those in the cup burner and coflow jet diffusion flames, which implies that the extinction mechanism of bluff body stabilized flames was mainly due to the aerodynamic aspect. Compared to co-flow fuel injection, the extinguishing concentration of inert gases under counter flow configuration was lower. The effect of direction might result from the mixing characteristic and strength of recirculation zonearound a bluff body. More details should be investigated for the characteristic of recirculation zone in the wake of bluff body using the LES(Large Eddy Simulation)

여 · 몽전쟁기 변경민의 몽골 ‘체험’과 고려 조정의 대응

이정란(Lee, Jung-Ran) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.61

1차 고려 · 몽골 전쟁 발발 이전 요동 지역에서 흥기한 다양한 정치세력의 병립과 각축으로 변경지대에는 국지적인 충돌이 일상화되었다. 전쟁의 일상화는 변경민에게 고려 백성으로서의 국가의식보다는 생존을 더욱 우선하는 가치로 여기도록 하였다. 본래 부터 고려인이자 경계인으로서 복합적 정체성을 가지고 있던 변경민들이 생존의 위협을 느끼자 경계인으로서의 정체성을 분출시켰는데, 이러한 사태를 더욱 부추긴 것이 국가의 ‘배신’이었다. 당시 고려 조정은 전황이 불리하게 돌아갈 때마다 책임을 전가하였다. 고려조정의 이와 같은 태도로 인해 변경민들은 전쟁과 희생이라는 이중고에 시달렸고, 종국에 가서 나라의 명령을 거부하고 스스로 자구책을 마련하거나 附蒙 행위를 감행하기까지 했다. 즉, 국가의 지시를 거부했던 西京人이나 홍복원에게 동조한 자들의 행동 이면에는 국가의 무책임이 자리하고 있었던 것이다. 물론 고려 조정의 이러한 무책임에도 사실 원인이 있었다. 몽골의 압도적 물리력과 과도한 요구가 그러한 결과를 초래했다. 대적하기도 감당하기도 어려운 적을 상대해야 하는 상황의 지속이 순간순간의 어려움만을 모면하려는 무책임의 정치를 야기하였던 것이다. 여하튼 고려 정부의 이와 같은 무책임의 정치는 백성들의 이탈을 가속화시켰고, 그것은 변경지대에 대한 국가의 장악력을 약화시켜 강화도 천도라는 결과를 이끌어 냈다. Prior to the outbreak of the Mongol invasion, local conflicts became an everyday occurrence in the border area due to coexistence and competition among various political powers in Liaodong. The routine outbreaks of war made people in the border area put more value on survival than on national identity as people of Goryeo dynasty. People in the border area already had complex identity as both people of Goryeo and marginalized people before, and now, faced with a threat to life, their identity as marginalized people prevailed. This was further fueled by the ‘betrayal’ of the country. Whenever the situation became unfavorable, the royal court avoided responsibilities. Due to this attitude, people in the border area suffered from double hardship of war and sacrifice, and later came to reject the royal court’s orders, and instead sought their own means of survival or even took pro-Mongolian actions. Behind the behaviors of people in Seokyeong that refused to follow the orders from the royal court, and behaviors of people who followed Hong Bokwon, were the irresponsible attitude of the royal court. In fact, there were reasons that caused such irresponsible attitude of the Goryeo royal court. It resulted from overwhelming physical force of Mongolia and its excessive demands. The continuation of situations where the royal court had to face formidable enemies led to irresponsible politics of merely avoiding momentary difficulties. Such irresponsible attitude became a catalyst that accelerated people’s breakaway, which in turn, returned as a boomerang that further weakened Goryeo’s defense, and eventually, resulted in the transfer of the capital to Ganghwado Island.

『高麗史』와 『高麗史節要』의 修史方式 비교

이정란(Lee Jung-Ran) 고려사학회 2013 한국사학보 Vol.- No.52

This paper examined historiographic methods of Goryeosa and Goryeosageolyo based on records on King Yejong(睿宗)’s Decrees. Compared to Goryeosa in which terms that may be used only by the emperor were maintained based on King Sejong(世宗)’s principle of not distorting history, Goryeosageolyo changed terms like Jega(制可), Joga(詔可), and Chingbun(稱蕃). However, such changes were not merely confined to partial and minor changes of terms. In fact, such changes were crucial so as to prescribe the overall characteristics of Goryeosageolyo. Like Goryeosa, Goryeosageolyo retained terms related to the emperor so as that the existence of a world view centered on China based on justification of Neo-Confucianism may be denied. In fact, the reason why terms like Jo (詔), Je(制), Taeja(太子), and Taehu(太后 ; Empress Dowager) were kept in Goryeosageolyo was just a product made to lower the possibility of misreading or to adhere to the King’s orders in descriptive or political terms. Therefore, with only the fact that Goryeosageolyo maintained the terms it cannot be evaluated as a history book which attained the same level of principle of not distorting history as that of Goryeosa. Rather, the fact that Jega and Joga were changed into Jongji(從之) displays that Goryeosageolyo was a history book which intended to achieve a world view centered on China based on Sung confucian justification.

486세대 아버지와 디지털세대 아들과의 소통에 관한 질적 연구

이정란 ( Lee Jung Ran ),김은진 ( Kim Eun Jin ) 한국목회상담학회 2016 목회와 상담 Vol.27 No.-

본 연구는 486세대 아버지와 디지털세대의 아들과의 소통이 어떻게 이루어지는지 소통방식을 살펴보고자 하였다. 이를 위해 486세대를 대표할 수 있는 1960년대 태어나 80번대 학번을 가진 40대 아버지와 청소년 아들을 선정하여 세 가족의 인터뷰를 통한 사례 연구를 진행하였다. 사례분석 결과 486세대 아버지는 이념을 위해 투쟁하고 경제적 위기로 생존을 위해 노력했던 세대로 신념과 현실의 괴리를 안고 살아간다. 즉, 이성적으로는 친구 같은 아버지를 동경하지만 실제로는 자신이 양육 받아온 권위적인 아버지의 모습을 나타내고 있다. 반면 청소년 세대는 디지털 매체 환경 속에 자라온 세대로 감각적이고 감성적인 성향이 발달하여 논리적으로 자신의 생각을 표현하기 보다는 이모티콘과 같은 이미지적 중심에 소통에 익숙하다. 두 세대의 소통을 살펴보면 아버지 세대는 직접적이고 직설적인 의사소통보다는 함축적이고 비유적인 텍스트로 소통하는 반면, 청소년 아들 세대는 이미지를 활용하여 눈에 보이는 그대로 직설적이고 직접적으로 소통하고 있다. 서로 다른 양상을 보이는 두 세대는 자신의 의도와 목적이 상대에게 받아드려졌을 때 소통이 되었다고 느끼며, 이들의 소통방식은 언어적인 것만이 아닌 상대의 행동과 태도를 무의식적으로 감지하는 정서적인 소통의 교류를 경험하고 있음을 보여주고 있다. 세대 간의 소통은 자신이 속해있는 집단에 상대가 동화되길 원하는 양상을 지니고 있으며 보다 원활한 소통이 이뤄지기 위해서는 아버지 세대가 속해 있는 사회라는 중심문화와 청소년 집단이라는 주변문화가 동등한 입장에서 상호작용이 일어나야 한다. 이를 위해 힘 있는 중심문화가 힘을 내려놓음과 동시에 유연성을 가져야 함을 본 연구자는 제언하고 있다. In this research, the communication between a son of the digital era and a father of the 486 generation was investigated. The 486 generation refers the generation that was born in the 1960s and went to a college in the 1980s in Korea. Three families with a teenager and a father in the 40s who represents the 486 generation were selected, and a case study through family interviews was performed. The 486 generation father has struggled for the ideology and strived to survive economic crisis and now suffers from a gap between ideals and realities. He once dreamed of becoming a father like a friend, but has become an authoritative father as he learned from his father. However, teenagers brought up in a digital media atmosphere prefer to communicate using images like emotions rather than to express their thoughts verbally. That means teenagers communicate in a straightforward way using images, while their fathers use connotative and metaphorical texts. These two generations thought they were understood when their purpose and intention were accepted by the other. Their communication patterns showed that they communicate not only linguistically but also emotionally by sensing the other`s attitude and behavior unconsciously. When we try to communicate with the other generation, we usually expect the other generation to have assimilated with our generation. However in order to communicate heartily, there must be a mutual interaction in an equal position between parental main culture and adolescent subculture. It is proposed that the more powerful main culture should lay down its authoritativeness and be more flexible.

高麗 王家의 龍孫意識과 왕권의 변동

이정란(Lee Jung Ran) 고려사학회 2014 한국사학보 Vol.- No.55

본고에서 필자는 왕위를 독점하기 위해 고려왕가가 채택한 전략과 그것의 변화과정을 살펴보았다. 고려 왕가는 天命論으로 즉위의 정당성을 내세웠지만, 한편으로는 초월적 권위에 기대어 왕권의 절대권을 구축하기도 하였다. 다시 말해 聖人君主論과 神聖君主論을 병행하였다고 할 수 있는데, 후자의 모습을 여실히 보여주는 것이 바로 ‘龍孫認識’이었다. 용손의식은 국초부터 형성되었다. 그런데 사실 그것은 형성과 동시에 사회적 효용성을 잃을 운명에 있었다. 유교적 합리주의 사고체계는 용왕이나 용의 후손이라는 다소 ‘고전적인’ 논리가 설 자리를 빼앗고 있었기 때문이다. 따라서 용손의식이 제 기능을 발휘하기 위해서는, 神聖을 끊임없이 수혈하는 시스템의 마련이 필요했다. 고려의 경우 신성의 수혈은 독점과 배제로 이루어졌다. 용손 끼리의 근친혼을 지속함으로써 자기들만의 왕국을 만들어 독점을 강화하였다. 한편,용손 안에서 자연 발생적으로 파생되는 小君을 배제하여 神聖을 저해하는 요소를 끊임없이 제거시켜 나갔다. 위와 같은 과정을 통해 구축된 기반 덕분에 여러 번의 강력한 도전이 있었음에도 불구하고 개성왕가는 독점권을 잃지 않았다. 무인집정들은 개성왕가의 독점권을 무력화시키기 위해 龍孫十二盡이라는 讖言을 퍼트렸지만, 그러한 노력은 도리어 용손의식의 뿌리가 당시에 얼마나 강고했는지를 여실히 보여줄 뿐이었다. 한편, 고려왕가는 몽골의 등장이후 몽골황실과의 밀착을 이룸으로써 왕권의 강화와 권위의 회복을 동시에 이루었다. 하지만 대원관계의 지속은 왕권이 상대화되는 결과를 낳았고, 그것은 권위의 하락과 용손의식의 쇠퇴로 이어졌다. 그로 인해 고려영내에서 개성왕가가 차지하고 있던 왕위의 독점권이 서서히 부정되기 시작했다. 그것은 瀋王의 왕위도전으로 우선 표출되었다. 나아가 왕위계승권을 그 동안 원천 차단당하였던 小君들의 도전으로 이어졌다. 물론 소군들의 도전은 번번이 실패하였지만, 그것이 ‘사실상’소군이라고 할 우왕의 즉위를 유발했다는 측면에서 상당한 의의가 있다. 그런데, 우왕의 즉위는 고려왕가에 전혀 예상치 못한 결과를 초래했다. 왕권의 상대화와 소군들의 도전에 따른 용손의식의 붕괴가 고려후기 고려왕가에게 왕권의 정통성을 제공하는 원천이었던 元朝의 쇠락과 함께 이루어짐으로써, 고려왕이 정통성을 기댈 근거가 희박하게 된 것이다. 그것은 결국 왕권의 정당성을 입증할 이데올로기가 사실상 고려 왕가에는 부재하게 된 것이었는데, 이런 와중에 禑王과 昌王이 왕씨의 후손이 아니라는 說이 제기됨으로써 고려는 멸망하게 되었다.

『高麗史』「選擧志」銓注條의 體制와 특징

이정란(Lee Jung-Ran) 고려사학회 2011 한국사학보 Vol.- No.44

This study provided me with two findings about 「Seon’geo-ji(選擧志)」(Monograph on Recruitment) as follow. First, from the overall perspectives, 「Seon’geo-ji」 of 『Goryeosa(高麗史)』 says in the introductory remarks, its being based on 『Yuanshi(元史)』. However, it was found that 『Songshi(宋史)』 had great influences on 「Seon’geo-ji」 in its specific items as well as clauses. It was because of the inevitable aspects in Goryeo Dynasty’s human resource management system that 「Seon’geo-ji」 was on the basis of 『Songshi』, different from what is said to apply 『Yuanshi』 in the introductory remarks. Goryeo Dynasty’s human resource management system was more similar to that of Song Dynasty. rather than that of Yuan Dynasty. To speak precisely, the human resource management system of Goryeo and Song Dynasty were too different for Goryeo to adapt the system described in 『Yuanshi』. In this respect, 「Seon’geo-ji」 had no choice but to follow 『Songshi』, beyond its principle suggested in the introductory remarks. Second, 「Seon’geo-ji」 of 『Goryeasa』 showed its serious interests on Joseon Dynasty in the way of cataloging and including related articles. In 「Seon’geo-ji」, specific clauses or contents was not merely a collection of related articles, but the achievement carefully selected by the fixed standard. It is proved clearly from the fact that 「Seon’geo-ji」 put more importance on the record of Protected appointment system(蔭敍) than 『Songshi』 or 『Yuanshi』 did, but also the fact that it had the separated items about the system of appointing provincial governor and county magistrate, and the items about the system of appointing provincial governor described mainly about how to watch over county magistrate. We don’t have to consider 「Seon’geo-ji」 of 『Goryeosa』 as a series of historical records with political subject point of views of Joseon people. Joseon Dynasty was eager to stick to the stance of ‘revealing the fact as it is’ to prevent any moral critics from being included, It was for the purpose of organize the history of systems and culture in Goryeo Dynasty that Joseon people catalogued the list of narrative principles and structured the contents and they was relatively passionate about fulfilling the objectives.

政治都監 활동에서 드러난 家 속의 개인과 그의 행동방식

이정란(Lee Jung-ran) 고려사학회 2005 한국사학보 Vol.- No.21

고려 중기 官服에 투영된 차등적 위계구조와 賜服의 정치적 의미

이정란(Lee, Jung-Ran) 고려사학회 2022 한국사학보 Vol.- No.89

본 논문은 고려 중기에 설계된 공복제가 ‘구별짓기’의 단초를 제공하며 궁극적으로는 신료들의 자발적 복종을 유발하는 수단으로 운영되었음을 밝히려는 목적에서 서술되었다. 고려 왕조는 관료사회의 상하 위계구조를 가시화하는 수단으로 공복제를 적극활용하였다. 官階만으로 관료세계에서의 위계를 적확하게 반영할 수 없던 고려에서는 녹봉·전시의 액은 물론 의례상에서의 위차를 관직별로 세밀하게 반영한 班次를 고안했다. 나아가 이러한 班次가 복장에 가능한 한 구현되도록 공복상정식을 세밀하게 설계함으로써, 관료사회의 엄격한 차등구조가 가시화될 수 있도록 했다. 이처럼 세밀하게 설계된 차등적인 공복체제는 특유의 가시적 속성으로 인해 내면적 복종을 유발한다. 그런데 이러한 내면적 복종을 더욱 유발한 것이 임금의 賜服이었다. 사실 차등적인 공복체제가 엄격하게 작동되는 사회일수록 임금의 사복권은 신민들의 내면적 복종을 끌어내는 효과적인 수단이 될 수 있었다. 왕권을 강화하려는 임금의 욕망, 복장을 통해 사회적 위상을 올리려는 개별 관료의 소망이 사복을 더욱 부추기기 때문이다. 하지만 사복의 남용은 공고한 공복체제를 교란하여, 관료 간의 階序性이 유지되길 바라는 관료집단의 저항을 유발했다. 그 과정에서 진척된 것이 바로 제도성 사복의 세밀화라고 할 수 있다. 다시 말해 의종대 공복상정식은 사복으로 개별적인 친밀감을 쌓고 신민에 대한 통제력을 강화하려는 국왕과 관료사회의 위계화된 질서를 지키려는 관료집단 사이의 오랜 길항의 산물이었다. This article intends to demonstrate how the public service system functioned as an apparatus to invoke servicemens voluntary servitude. In this regard, it observes the contents and structure of the code of official attire for public service (OAPS) launched at the mid-Goryo period. The royal government of Goryo actively utilized the OAPS system in order to reify the bureaucratic hierarchy. Since the codification itself could not properly officialize the bureaucratic hierarchy, the government not only institutionalized the stipends and fief for the bureaucrats but also devised a detailed ranking discrimination scheme. This scheme was ultimately embodied through the variability on the style of the attires so that strict ranking structure can be visually reflected on the OAPS system. The meticulously stratified OAPS inspired the servicemen of their intrinsic servitude toward the royal government and its epitome is the majestic bestowment of individual attire in person. It can be postulated that the bestowment played an efficient role in motivating the strong loyalty and servitude of servicemen within highly stratified bureaucratic society. The royal desire to reinforce its authority and servicemens endeavor to make themselves distinct within the hierarchy by unique attires were converged and triggered frequent bestowments. Too frequent bestowments, however, impinged on the OAPS and seriously disordered the settled social stratification by instigating the resistance of the official bureaucrats, the proponents of the existing class hierarchy. This conflicting progress finally created the very detailed institutionalization of bestowment; and can be exemplified by the royal ceremony of bestowment during the King Ui-Jong period which was an ultimate output of rivalry between the two parts: 1) the royal part who wanted to execute an intimate authority upon servicemen and people and 2) the official bureaucratic part who wanted to discriminate themselves and to solidify what they attained by maintaining the settled hierarchic order.

고려시대 후비부(后妃府)에 대한 기초적 검토

이정란 ( Jung Ran Lee ) 한국중세사학회 2006 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.20

고려 宣宗妃 思肅太后와 仁宗妃 恭睿太后

이정란 (Lee Jung Ran) 한국인물사연구소 2011 한국인물사연구 Vol.16 No.-

In the Goryeo Dynasty, Empress Dowager Sasuk[思肅], the wife of Emperor Sunjong[宣宗], and Empress Dowager Kongyeh[恭睿], the wife of Emperor Injong[仁宗], have many in common each other in various aspects, but their lives are very different. Empress Dowager Sasuk is a figure that lived right after the Munjong[明宗] era when the system was reorganized and culture was burgeoning whereas Empress Kongyeh was in a position of Empress in the Injong and Myungjong era when the Confucian rituals were established, and the Confucianism became a main political idea of the Goryeo Dynasty. Therefore, one shows a typical pattern of Empress Dowager of the early Goryeo Dynasty, and the other may be a representative of Empress Dowager who lived in the era of transformation, and as a matter of fact, they were treated differently in their time. Empress Dowager Sasuk became Empress when a precedent of the wife of Munjong, in which Empress is treated as equal to Empeor in funeral rites, was accepted. Moreover, her son was sick and weak, so she had to rule the kingdom behind the veil. Therefore, those who lived in that time and who lived after that time remembered that she directly commanded the court for three years. In short, Empress Dowager Sasuk was a 'Empress Dowager' that had the most political power and was officially treated with exceptional respect. However, Empress Dowager Kongyeh had to go through various hardships as Empress Dowager although her life as an woman was in peace. As she had a different idea with her husband about succession, her own son doubted her thinking. In addition, she had to keep worrying about the safety of her sons and daughters when a group of generals launched and succeed a coup. Furthermore, in her era, people started to adopt an argument that Empress should not be treated as equal to Emperor in rituals, and even Empress's father should not be respected and be remained as a vassal of Emperor. Of course, the status of Empress Dowager, which had been maintained for a long time, could not be gone in a day, so she officially held a high status in rituals.