화교(華僑), 화교(華僑) 네트워크와 주한사관(駐韓使館) -청일전쟁 이후 한성 지역을 중심으로-

김희신 중국사학회 2014 中國史硏究 Vol.89 No.-

Chinese departure from Korea due to the First Sino Japanese War was a temporary phenomenon and the number of overseas Chinese merchants in Korea increased twice every year. Most of Chinese coming to Korea left coastal area of Shandong to make a living. Although the ratio of merchants was still high among Chinese living in Hancheong, there were significant changes in the composition of overseas Chinese society with the increase of farmers or laborers. In the origin of the people, northern area was dominant. All of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea in Hancheong and other ports came back to China with the outbreak of the Sino Japanese War and directors of Chinese merchant organizations in each port replaced diplomatic officers until the normalization of the relationship between two countries. Even when diplomatic supports of Chinese government could not be expected, Chinese merchants could sustain their lives thanks to the existing overseas Chinese network. The formal placement of diplomats after the Sino Japanese War was regulated by the Treaty of Commerce between Korea and Chinese in 1899 and it was regulated by the Treaty of Commerce between China and Japan in 1896 after the diplomatic cessation between Korea and China due to Korea Japan Annexation in 1910. It seems that there were two systems in overseas Chinese organizations in Korea after the Sino Japanese War such as Banghui (방會) and Shanghui (商會 or huashangzonghui, 華商總會) based on Banghui organizations. Banghui is the organization based on the origin area (same hometown) which has existed before the Sino Japanese War. Each Bang was an important part in the operation of the organization such as process of merchant related matters, club construction fund raising and management. Banghui involved itself in commercial transactions or guaranteed the interest and status of merchants customarily or through regulations such as ``zhangcheng``(章程). On the other hand, Shanghui organizations were made based on 4 big Banghui in Hancheong. Members held merchants` meeting, discussed various issues related to engineering and commerce, practiced the decisions or appealed to the government. For example, it functioned as a counter and a consultative group for the communication and for the systematic management of overseas Chinese merchants in Korea with the trend of increase of trading by Chinese. Their roles included collecting membership fees, managing the club, establishing schools, firefighting (water) organizations, purchasing firefighting vehicles (water vehicles) and dispute settlement. What we should note here is the establishment of Shanghui by overseas Chinese in Korea was closely related to the Xinzheng(新政) measure by Qing government. The establishment and institutionalization of Shanghui gave a clue to overcome the limits of organizations by hometown and by trade, and made direct influence on the change in social organizations of overseas Chinese in Hancheong. The leading group of this organization was elected through elections based on the number of actual members, status of capital, hometown and social activities. Although these organizations pursued the economic profits of members and were involved in various social activities, their activities and organization configuration could be changed according to the intensity of control of the government and the political changes. Regardless of Banghui or Shanghui, they played the role of liaison between diplomatic offices in Korea and general overseas Chinese. Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea was the supreme organization of overseas Chinese in Korea and took the important role of the protection of Chinese and the supervision and the management of Chinese government just as before Sino Japanese War.

근대 한중관계의 변화와 외교당안의 생성 : 「淸季駐韓使館保存檔」을 중심으로

김희신(Kim Hee-Sin) 중국근현대사학회 2011 중국근현대사연구 Vol.50 No.-

This study was conducted in order to advance content analysis on the history of Korea‐China relationship by enhancing accessibility to diplomatic documents called 'Juhansagwandang(駐韓使館檔:Documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea)' in a historical, academic or practical sense. Based on the contents reviewed in this study, we can summarize the characteristics and values of 'Juhansagwandang' in the history of Korea‐China relationship as follows. First, the documents include extensive general materials, which mean unofficial documents worthy to be preserved. Official documents exchanged between Korean and Chinese diplomatic agencies include few general materials worthy to be preserved. Although some are included as accompanying documents, the scope of such documents is very limited. In the sense that they are documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea, such records contain administrative information such as documents prepared, executed or received for administration. As they contain extensive unofficial documents (=general materials) worthy to be preserved, they have historical values. Second, 'Juhansagwandang' are in a mutually complementary relation with Korean diplomatic documents 'Cheongan(淸案).' It is presumed that even many of preserved documents might be lost due to instable political situations at home and overseas during the late Qing Dynasty and the late Yi Dynasty. In many cases, for example, there is jobok(照覆) but without johoi(照會) or vice versa, and this suggests that the continuity of documents could not be maintained due to various factors. Moreover, because diplomatic documents contained in Juhansagwandang and Cheongan were in a request‐reply relation with each other, their contents are sometimes complementary to each other. Furthermore, by comparing two documents on the same issue, we may find clues to differences between the two countries' positions. Third, media carrying contents have the characteristics that they are the tangible original documents. Previous studies on the Korea China relationship in the late Qing Dynasty have relied on diplomatic documents as the records of objective facts in order to examine factual contents related to the relationship of the two countries. Juhansagwandang, which was published as digital materials, is tangible original documents and also contains historical information, and in this sense, it has two values. They have crucial meanings in exploring not only contents but also the actual form and generation process of diplomatic documents. How to interpret such original documents is still a problem to be solved. Fourth, the documents were classified according to the principle of source classification. The classification system of Juhansagwandang followed 'the principle of source, ' which gives priority to the organization handling documents over the contents of documents. This classification system is advantageous in that it shows structure, context, and activity processes involved in an organization's production of records. That is, it is efficient for understanding association among records according to source, and the relation between records and their producers and the background of their production. Fifth, documents during a specific period were completely scattered and lost. Juhansagwandang includes documents generated and accumulated by Chinese diplomatic offices for around 30 years from 1883 to 1913. However, documents for around 4 years from the end of 1894 to the end of 1898 are completely omitted. A very small number of documents in this period have survived, but they are quite exceptional. Some institutions preserve only a part of documents according to their value, but the loss of documents in this period seems to be accidental. It is not clear where the lost records are kept at present.

근대 한중관계의 변화와 외교당안의 생성 ― 「淸季駐韓使館保存檔」을 중심으로 ―

김희신 중국근현대사학회 2011 중국근현대사연구 Vol.50 No.-

This study was conducted in order to advance content analysis on the history of Korea‐China relationship by enhancing accessibility to diplomatic documents called ‘Juhansagwandang (駐韓使館檔:Documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea)’ in a historical, academic or practical sense. Based on the contents reviewed in this study, we can summarize the characteristics and values of ‘Juhansagwandang’ in the history of Korea‐China relationship as follows. First, the documents include extensive general materials, which mean unofficial documents worthy to be preserved. Official documents exchanged between Korean and Chinese diplomatic agencies include few general materials worthy to be preserved. Although some are included as accompanying documents, the scope of such documents is very limited. In the sense that they are documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea, such records contain administrative information such as documents prepared, executed or received for administration. As they contain extensive unofficial documents (=general materials) worthy to be preserved, they have historical values. Second, ‘Juhansagwandang’ are in a mutually complementary relation with Korean diplomatic documents ‘Cheongan(淸案).’ It is presumed that even many of preserved documents might be lost due to instable political situations at home and overseas during the late Qing Dynasty and the late Yi Dynasty. In many cases, for example, there is jobok(照覆) but without johoi(照會) or vice versa, and this suggests that the continuity of documents could not be maintained due to various factors. Moreover, because diplomatic documents contained in Juhansagwandang and Cheongan were in a request‐reply relation with each other, their contents are sometimes complementary to each other. Furthermore, by comparing two documents on the same issue, we may find clues to differences between the two countries’ positions. Third, media carrying contents have the characteristics that they are the tangible original documents. Previous studies on the Korea China relationship in the late Qing Dynasty have relied on diplomatic documents as the records of objective facts in order to examine factual contents related to the relationship of the two countries. Juhansagwandang, which was published as digital materials, is tangible original documents and also contains historical information, and in this sense, it has two values. They have crucial meanings in exploring not only contents but also the actual form and generation process of diplomatic documents. How to interpret such original documents is still a problem to be solved. Fourth, the documents were classified according to the principle of source classification. The classification system of Juhansagwandang followed ‘the principle of source,’ which gives priority to the organization handling documents over the contents of documents. This classification system is advantageous in that it shows structure, context, and activity processes involved in an organization’s production of records. That is, it is efficient for understanding association among records according to source, and the relation between records and their producers and the background of their production. Fifth, documents during a specific period were completely scattered and lost. Juhansagwandang includes documents generated and accumulated by Chinese diplomatic offices for around 30 years from 1883 to 1913. However, documents for around 4 years from the end of 1894 to the end of 1898 are completely omitted. A very small number of documents in this period have survived, but they are quite exceptional. Some institutions preserve only a part of documents according to their value, but the loss of documents in this period seems to be accidental. It is not clear where the lost records are kept at present.

중국 주한공관의 공간성과 한국화교 ― 청말, 중화민국시기를 중심으로 ―

김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 동양사학회 2021 東洋史學硏究 Vol.157 No.-

There are not many previous studies on overseas Chinese in Korea, and recently, the research area is gradually diversifying. In terms of research methodology, the characteristics of this study have the distinctiveness from other previous studies in that this study analyzes more historically and empirically beyond the context at the current time over the confrontational conflicts between the overseas Chinese in Korea and the Taipei representative office in Korea (Taiwan government) over the ownership of land and buildings in the center of Seoul. In particular, since the description of overseas Chinese tended to depend on interviews, memoirs, and newspaper reports, it was necessary to objectify subjective claims. And since there is a tendency to describe the issues of multilateral relations from a one-sided perspective, this study attempted to approach them with a more balanced stance. Second, based on these, this study specifically identified the historical context of the China"s diplomatic office in Korea and its owned land, and analyzed what meaning or symbolism of the China"s diplomatic office in Korea might have for overseas Chinese. In addition, by comparatively analyzing the issues of dispute and the responding aspects of overseas Chinese society through case analysis of disputes over the sale of land owned by the China"s diplomatic office in Korea, this study attempted to identify the transnational characteristics of overseas Chinese that have existed for a long time as a member of Korean society from modern times to the present. Basically, for overseas Chinese living in Korea, the Chinese legation in Korea was the official national institution representing the home government. And it was a space to maintain and reproduce the pride and identity of the Chinese. It was also a place of living and a historical space for overseas Chinese migration. Because the overseas Chinese in Korea have established their base in the land for a long time, the actual owner has been recognized as the overseas Chinese in Korea. In the background of the issues surrounding the current ownership exercise (use, development, sale, etc.), there is a long-standing conflict inherent in the ‘sale of land owned by the diplomatic office’ between the Taiwan government and the overseas Chinese in Korea.

淸末 駐漢城 商務公署와 華商組織

김희신 동북아역사재단 2012 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.35

Overseas Chinese in Korea originated from Chinese merchants at the end of the Qing Dynasty. As each Chinese merchant had to be a member of a group in order to run their business in Korea, the guilds in Seoul naturally became the center of this overseas Chinese society. In this way, Chinese merchants in the early Chinese society in Korea formed their groups centering on specific localities, and the structure divided into groups was a remarkable phenomenon. However, while complying with the goals of the organization of the Chinese Guild, the Chinese merchants wanted to form their own groups with culturally homogeneous members, separate the organization, and promote the group’s common goals. This is also probably the reason that they were grouped by locality according to the traditional principle of organization. As the guild was established for pursuing common goals, namely,the development and unity of the Chinese merchant association, it was the first private office launched mainly by Chinese merchants. Chinese merchants opened a center for discussing public affairs and recommended the representative of the guild. In addition, they collected 0.4% dues from the members’ trades and used it for the operation of the guild. Even boatmen agreed on the “Regulations on the Guild” stipulated by Chinese merchants for raising funds for the guild’s operation. This suggests that there were motives for voluntary participation. However,the selection of director, the representative of the guild, was initiated by the role of supervising the ground-leveling work for the Incheon settlement, and the official seal was paid for by the Commercial Affairs Office. Furthermore, half of the money for buying the guild building was borrowed by General Commissioner Chen Shutang from official funds. Considering these facts, the guild was launched not as a completely private organization but as “a semi-governmental”institution. Differing from pre-modern overseas Chinese who were irrelevant to state power, modern overseas Chinese grew in close connection with state power. Chinese merchants in Seoul were managed strategically by their homeland from the early period of overseas Chinese social organizations. On the other hand, Chinese merchants used state power by complying with the state’s political strategies actively. This provided a base for Chinese merchants to grow and surpassed Korean and Japanese merchants in Seoul where competition among Korea, Japan,and China was most fierce.

20세기 전반 재조선 중화상회 연구 - 중화상회의 역사적 변천을 중심으로 -

金希信(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2020 중국근현대사연구 Vol.86 No.-

The purpose of this study is to review the historical context of the birth of Chinese Commerce Organization and Chinese merchants formed in the process of moving to and settling in each city of Joseon. The establishment of the early Chinese commercial organizations was constituted in the process of establishing the Chinese diplomatic office in Korea(駐韓 中國公館) and forming the Concession(租界), centering on major open ports. The Chinese commercial organizations were not only autonomous, but also performed administrative affairs on the basis of the power entrusted by the Chinese diplomatic office in Korea. For the convenience of communication, the office was established in the Concession by the Chinese Legation in Korea (駐韓使館) as a way to give permanent lease on land to the Chinese organizations. Since each city had regionality, the establishment time and name of the early commercial organizations, and the remodeling and establishment into the Chinese Chamber of Commerce had a somewhat different process. Although the names varied somewhat by region, they are generally similar types of the Chinese commercial organizations. Since then, the Chinese Chamber of Commerce has been established on the basis of the existing Chinese commercial organizations. A key factor in the process of changing to the Chinese Chamber of Commerce was that the Chinese government gave it a legal basis. It was in Seoul that the Chinese Chamber of Commerce was first organized based on the Chinese government"s laws, and then the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, which had a common name and organization in other regions, was established.

「청계주한사관당안」(「淸季駐韓使館檔案」) ‘소송안건’ 계량화를 통한 근대 한중 간 소송사건에 대한 재해석

송규진(Song, Kue-Jin) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2014 亞細亞硏究 Vol.57 No.1

In terms of political history, modern Korean-Chinese relations can be divided into four periods: the period of dual international order, the transitional period after the collapse of the tributary system, the period of the modern Korea-China treaty system, and the period after the Protection Treaty (1905). The results of the analysis, after quantifying the entire legal case between modern Korea and China in the Documents of Chinese Diplomatic Offices in Korea 「Lawsuit」, show that the political situation was not very influential on the lawsuits. Even when China had a powerful political influence in Korea, there were still more victims in China than in Korea. When suits were filed for damages, there was a higher likelihood that suits filed by Koreans would be solved than those filed by Chinese people, except in the period during which the modern Korea-China treaty system was functional. Though the underlying issues hidden behind the statistics need to be covered in more in-depth studies in the future, it is necessary to break away from the “victim mentality” ? in which it is assumed that Koreans are always victimized by Chinese in Korean-Chinese relations due to political oppression in modern Korea - and to conduct a more objective evaluation of events using a range of sources.

채무소송으로 본 華商의 商慣行(1906~1910) - 移住空間 漢城을 중심으로 -

손승희 동북아역사재단 2012 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.36

This study analyzed debt liability suits in the “Documents of the Chinese Diplomatic Office in Korea” (「駐韓使館檔」) of the Chinese Consul Ma Tingliang(馬廷亮). I examined not only the aspects of competition among Chinese, Japanese, and Korean merchants at Hanseong as an immigrant area, but also activities and commercial practices of Chinese merchants. A review of 75 cases of debt liability suits in the “Documents of the Chinese Diplomatic Office in Korea” during Ma Tingliang’s time in office show that the process and the shape of suits differed according to the nationality of the complainant and the nationality of the defendant. In order to know commercial practices at Hanseong, this article mainly analyzed suits regarding a Korean merchant’s payment default. In many cases, payment default and debtor’s runaway happened in business between a Chinese merchant and a Korean merchant. This should be connected with the commodity distribution channels in Hanseong. It was common that the imported/exported goods were dealt through brokers, who did business as a broker or a wholesaler who repaid the value of the commodity later. Naturally, these types of credit-type business of indirect long-term connection between the buyer and the seller may have led to frequent disputes over payment. Chinese merchants who had not been repaid and, moreover, could not chase the escaped debtor tried to get compensation through a colleague(同夥) or a shop manager, or through a broker(經紀), and even through a relative of the debtor. In order to explain these situations, I reviewed how the Hapgua Company(合夥企業), a Chinese company,settled debt. In the Hapgua Company, it was the principle that the profits and the losses of the company shall be shared according to the ratio of shareholding. But when a debtor ran away, the creditor tried to ask the shareholder(s) or their relatives to return instead. At that time there was no concrete rule in the law, and the debt return might be ruled by general practice. In China, the shareholder(s) normally was also responsible for the debt. Thus, naturally, the Chinese merchant tried to get unlimited responsibility for the return of the debt from the business partner or from relatives. Also, in China a jingji , or broker, only performed brokering duties and had no responsibility for debt return. But in Korea, Chinese merchants sometimes requested the jingji to be responsible for the debt owing to the fact that the jingji did the urging of the return of debt and the debt return had been done by the jingji . As briefly described above, the relationship and meaning of the business partner, the employee, the employer, and others were considerably different between Korea and Chinese merchants. It seems that this difference was a major reason for the complexity and difficulties of resolving disputes.

淸의 駐韓公館과 韓淸 近代外交

鄭東然(Jung, Dong Yeon) 역사교육연구회 2021 역사교육 Vol.158 No.-

This study examined the way in which the Qing dynasty had introduced the diplomatic office system through unequal treaties and the Western international law books and figured out the relevance between Qing’s diplomatic offices in Korea and Sino-Korean modern diplomacy. In particular, this article paid attention to the manifestation that rationality and empireness of the diplomatic offices appeared and the aspect that the traditional diplomacy and modern diplomacy competed. Qing’s diplomatic offices in Korea can be explained in terms of rationality and empireness, and the change of Qing’s diplomatic offices in Korea can be divided into the following two periods. The first phase is the founding period of the Qing’s diplomatic offices in Korea. In this period, Qing aimed at making the Chosun her vassal state through the Commercial Affair Office. Qing made use of modern diplomacy and traditional diplomacy arbitrarily. The second phase is the completing period of the Qing’s diplomatic offices in Korea. In this period, the minister or consul had developed to enhance the rationality of modern diplomacy using treaties and Western international law but had to defend against Korean or Japanese empireness. This study has the following meanings in terms of supplementation of prior research and expansion of research horizon. First, this article revealed that Qing’s empireness before the Sino-Japanese War came from both traditional diplomacy and modern diplomacy. Therefore, preceding researches that have judged Qing’s Chosun policy traditional or modern need to be reconsidered. Second, this article discovered the rationality of modern diplomacy in proceeding with Sino-Korean relations. Several preceding kinds of research did not stress the development of Sino-Korean relations. It is clear that the rationality of modern diplomacy increased at this time.

조선 북부 개항도시 鎭南浦의 中國領事館 조직과 그 位相

李殷祥 ( Lee¸ Eun Sang ) 중국사학회 2023 中國史硏究 Vol.- No.145

This article examines in detail the organization of the Chinese Consulate in Jinnampo, a northern port city of Korea, from the late 19th to early 20th centuries. Firstly, I review the organization of it during the late Qing dynasty. It was established at the request of the first Chinese Minister to Korea appointed after the signing of the first modern treaty between Korea and China, Xu Shoupeng(徐壽朋). When Japan established a Resident-General in Korea, Chinese government withdrew its legation and dispatched Consul General Ma Tingliang(馬廷亮). was the Consul General who was under the command of the Minister to Japan, but due to the unique status of the Korean Empire, he held a position equivalent to that of a minister. The organization of Jinnampo was given more importance compared to the Wonsan. Secondly, I describe its organization during the early years of the Republic of China. Unlike during the late Qing Dynasty, personnel changes were frequent. On the other hand, there were hardly any personnel changes the Consulate in Wonsan. In the reorganization carried out in 1927 due to a shortage of budget, the Wonsan was maintained, but the Jinnampo was transformed into a office, due to the quick response of the personnel of the Wonsan. Finally, I examine the organization of it before and after the Anti-Chinese Riot. In early 1928, Xu Yuanda(徐源達), a officer to the Consulate General, was dispatched to Jinampo and handled official business. He difficulties due to a lack of personnel and shortage of budget necessary for the operation of the office. In the end, he took responsibility for the Pyongyang Incident and was dismissed from his position. Yang You(楊佑), who had worked at the Wonsan for more than 20 years, was dispatched to it as an assistant consul to the Consulate General, where he played a practical role as the person responsible for post-riot handling.