朝鮮時代 全州圈의 士族 硏究 序說

오경택 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2010 한국학논총 Vol.34 No.-

During Chosun Dynasty, Jeonju was remarked by the Royal family and ruling parties because Jeonju was the birthplace of Lee Seong Gye's(founder of Chosun Dynasty) first ancestor. These attention resulted in building up Gyunggijeon, Jokyungmyo, Jokyeongdan in this area. Meanwhile, Jeonju preserved the only existing Chosun Dynasty chronicles from plunder of Japan. Therefore, this study selects 11 Jeonju local families by categorizing Jeonju and its nearby villages and investigating 3 research data about people who succeeded in national examinations, were registered in a character clause of Jiriji(a document about Chosun Dynasty's territory and people), and founded seowon and Sa-woo. First of all, during 15th century 4 influential families in Jeonju including Jeonju choi, Jeonju you, Jeonju Lee and Yeosan song family were all native families that were based on Jeonju. These families had already been engaged in politics from Koryeo Dynasty and continued to be influential during next Chosun Dynasty. Especially, while You Seung Jo were in office of Seonggyunkwan Dae sa seong, he helped make many sarim(local academic hermit group) including famous Confucian scholar Jo Kwang Jo and contributed to promoting the academic atmosphere. During 16th century converging from Koryeo to Chosun Dynasty, newly immigrated families into Jeonju became influential and actively involved in society of those days. For example, people like Lee Kye Maeng and Lee Chang Soo from Jeonju Lee family, Yang gok brothers from JinJu So family were identified as becoming sarim(local academic hermit group). During 17th century Hansan Lee family and Jinchon Song family joined into influential families in Jeonju. In particular, these leading families were reorganized as Seo-in (West party) after undergoing Kichukoksa(death in prison) and Injobanjeong(deposing the former ruler) while Dong-lae Jeong family colllapsed and moved out of Jeonju. During 18th century Chang-su branch of Jeonju Lee family and Young -- branch of Jincheon Song family were the most high-powered families of all clans. Above all, Jeon-eui Lee family's Moksan Lee Ki Kyeong was leading the mainstream of national study as Nak-lon's member. In this regard, Moksan supported Bantangpyeonglon(anti-partisan politics policy) politically and Inmulseongdong(principle of sameness between human and materials) academically. In conclusion, it was very important for Jeonju local nobles to take up pass the higher civil service examinationand jointly incorporate with other central and regional famous familes by marital union in order to be consistently influential power. It is promised to verify Jeonju's unique property differentiating itself from other areas. 조선시대 전주는 건국 시조 이성계의 관향이라는 연유로 인해 선초부터 왕과 집권세력으로부터 주목을 받아왔다. 그리고 이러한 관심의 결과는 경기전, 조경묘, 조경단의 조성으로 이어졌으며, 다른 한편으로 현존하는 실록의 기원을 제공한 장소 역시 전주라고 할 수 있다. 이에 본고는 전주와 인근 10개 군현을 포함한 전주권의 범주를 설정하고 문과급제자, 지리지 인물항 등재 인물, 서원ㆍ사우의 건립이라는 3가지 자료를 토대로 전주권의 유력사족에 해당하는 11개 가문을 선정해보았다. 이어 이들 11개 가문을 대상으로 시기별 활동 양상을 살펴보았다. 먼저 15세기 전주권의 유력사족들은 전주최씨, 전주유씨, 전주이씨, 여산송씨 등 모두 전주권의 토착성씨였으며, 아울러 이들 4가문은 고려 중후반기 이미 중앙정계에 진출하였고, 이를 토대로 조선 건국 이후에도 계속 이 지역의 유력사족으로 자리매김하였다. 특히 柳崇祖는 전주출신으로 중종 초반 성균관 대사성으로 재직하면서 趙光祖를 비롯한 많은 사림들을 배출하는 한편 이 지역의 성리학 학풍 振作에도 일조했을 것으로 생각된다. 16세기에는 여타의 지역처럼 여말 선초를 전후하여 이 지역에 새롭게 이거해 온 성씨들이 유력사족으로 등장하여 활동하였다. 예컨대 전의이씨 李繼孟과 李昌壽, 진주소씨 陽谷형제 등이 이에 해당하는 인물이며, 이들의 면면을 보아 전주권의 사족 사회가 이 시기 들어 사림적인 성향으로 변화해 가고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 17세기 들어서는 종전의 전의이씨, 진주소씨와 더불어 새롭게 한산이씨와 진천송씨가 유력사족의 대열에 합류하였다. 특히 이들 유력사족들은 己丑獄死와 仁祖反正 등을 거치면서 대체로 西人 계열로 재편되어 활동하였으며, 상대적으로 동래정씨 가문은 몰락하거나 타 지역으로 이거하였다. 18세기 역시 전의이씨 창수계열과 진천송씨 英耈계열의 후손들이 전주권을 대표하는 유력사족으로 가문의 성세를 이어갔으며, 특히 전의이씨 木山 李基敬은 洛論의 宗匠인 李縡의 門人으로서 이 지역 낙론 학맥의 중심 인물로 활동하였다. 그렇기에 목산은 의리탕평론을 견지하는 한편 호락논쟁에서 人物性同論을 지지하였다. 결론적으로 전주를 중심으로 한 전주권도 유력사족이 되기 위해서는 문과급제를 통한 관직 진출, 지역 및 중앙의 중요 가문들과의 혼인을 통한 연대 등이 매우 중요한 요소라는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 추후 여타의 지역과는 다른 전주권 만의 특성을 해명하기 위한 노력을 계속해 나가고자 한다.

규장각 소장 〈全州地圖〉 연구: 조현명(趙顯命, 1690-1752)의 전주부성 재건 기록

박시현 ( Sihyun Park ) 미술사와 시각문화학회 2022 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.30 No.-

This paper analyzes Map of Jeonju (National Treasure) and identifies it as a painting. Despite the word 'map' in its title, Map of Jeonju bears the characteristics of a painting. It does not contain geographical information that is typically provided in maps, e.g. names of locations, mountain peaks, roads, rivers, neighboring regions or boundaries of administrative districts. On the contrary, it displays pictorial aspects, such as the coloration of blue and green landscape paintings, a stylized depiction of the Jeonjubu Fortress filled and surrounded by flowers and trees, as well as delicately painted human figures. Therefore, the author examines the painting style and the background of Map of Jeonju while focusing on the discrepancies between the title and the image. In this paper, Map of Jeonju is estimated to have been produced sometime between 1734 (when the Jeonjubu Fortress was reconstructed) and 1743 (when the Pojeong Pavilion was built). The most remarkable event during that period was the reconstruction of the fortress by Jo Hyeonmyeong (1690-1752). This is based on the fact that the reconstruction of the Jeonjubu Fortress was significant for the history of Jeonju, and several elements in Map of Jeonju relate to Jo Hyeonmyeong. 140 years after its collapse during the Second Japanese Invasion (1597-1598), reconstructing the Jeonjubu Fortress was a large-scale project. Jeonju served as an important defense point for Hanyang and regional military bases. In Map of Jeonju, only nine buildings are labelled and they are all related to Jo Hyeonmyeong. Another important point is that Map of Jeonju reflects Jo’s opinion that town fortresses were more effective than mountain fortresses. Accordingly, the Jeonjubu Fortress dominates the center of Map of Jeonju while the Wibong Mountain Fortress is almost too small to be recognized. Because Jo had ordered the reconstruction of the Jeonjubu Fortress despite severe droughts and financial difficulties, people called for his impeachment. King Yeongjo (r. 1724-1776), however, supported Jo and helped him complete the project. With gratitude for the king’s positive judgement, Jo Hyeonmyeong named the southern gate pavilion of the fortress Myeonggyeonru, which means the “Pavilion of Bright Judgement”. In his writings, he emphasized the auspicious atmosphere of the Gyeonggi Hall in which a portrait of the first king of the Joseon dynasty is housed. Likewise, there is a group of auspicious cranes depicted above the Gyeonggi Hall in Map of Jeonju. His “Record of the Reconstruction of the Jeonjubu Fortress” describes the entire process and what the project meant to him. Another important aspect is the houses and flowering trees inside and outside the fortress which are reminiscent of the painting Peach Blossom Spring by Kim Huiseong (?-after 1763). Since the painting styles are very similar, it seems possible that Kim Huiseong painted Map of Jeonju. In addition to that, Jo was a patron of Kim Huiseong and had commissioned a painting of his new pavilion from him. After all, Map of Jeonju connects Jo Hyeonmyeong, the reconstruction of the fortress, and the painter Kim Huiseong with each other. Even though it is called a map, the work can be considered a painting which documents Jo Hyeonmyeong’s major achievement of reconstructing the Jeonjubu Fortress.

전주의 역사문화 정체성과 전주학 연구

홍성덕(Hong, Seong-Duk) 역사실학회 2015 역사와실학 Vol.56 No.-

This paper aims to look into the trends of local history studies in the process of promoting local culture with the study results of Jeonju local history. The cultural centers, which played the promoting role of the government in the 1950s, began to put emphasis on the independent promotion of our own traditional culture in the late 1970s. As local history study aroused lots of interests in the 1980s, there were many local history study associations founded nationwide. Local studies, carried out centering around the local centers, became reinforced as experts began to participate and organize local study groups somewhat more professionally in the late 1980s. When the local autonomy system was introduced in the 1990s, local studies begab to be recognized as an important starting point of regional development. Jeonju has been recognized as a typical traditional city in Korea. Also, it has been known as the hometown of the founder of the Joseon Dynasty, because it has been considered Lee Seonggye’s place of origin. Thus, there are numerous historical or cultural remains left related to Joseon’s royal family in Jeonju. It also has had the images of the founder of the Joseon Dynasty. The city has economically abundant urban images and has been understood as a great city having produced great people. After implementing the local autonomy system, the identity of Jeonju has been discussed actively in the process of establishing development plans of Jeonju City. When the regulations on Hanok Village were abolished, Jeonju City set up the developing plans to make Jeonju ‘a unique traditional and cultural city’. Modern images have been added to its own traditional urban images while traditional and cultural resources that had already been forgotten began to be uncovered. During this process, ‘Jeonju Spirit’ was strongly discussed as well. Unlike other cities, Jeonju Studies was begun setting up its ‘mid- and short- term development plans’. Under the title of ‘Jeonju Studies’, there were five main fields determined including 23 projects such as establishing its foundation, reinforcing academic abilities, constructing archives, and its popularization, with 36 important tasks suggested. The success of the Hanok Village which attracts over 7 million tourists a year has been possible due to the bases Jeonju Studies has accumulated.

전주농악의 정체성 변화양상과 여성농악단의 역할

김성식 한국전통공연예술학회 2023 한국전통공연예술학 Vol.9 No.-

본 논문은 전주에서 연행되어 온 농악의 변천 양상을 살펴본 내용이 다. 근대 이후 전주농악은 몇 차례의 굵직한 변화과정을 거친다. 그 양 상에 따라서는 정체성의 변화를 가져올 정도로 특기할 만하다. 근대시기 이후 전주농악의 실체를 확인할 수 있는 자료는 1967년에 홍현식, 김천흥, 박헌봉에 의해서 조사되고 문화재관리국에서 발간한 무형문화재조사보고서 『湖南農樂 이다. 이 보고서는 전주농악의 성격 과 관련된 최초의 보고서라고 할 수 있다. 이 보고서의 핵심은 전주농 악을 이른바 ‘웃녘굿’으로 보고 호남좌도농악이라고 규정한 데에 있다. 두 번째 변곡점은 1954년도에 전주농고에서 시작한 「전주농고 농촌 예술반」 활동이다. 전주농고는 정형인 명인을 초청하여 전주농고 학생 들을 대상으로 무용, 삼현육각, 민요, 농악을 가르친다. 이때 농악 강사 로는 정읍과 김제에서 활동하던 우도농악인이 투입된다. 이 시점부터 전주농악은 호남우도농악으로 선회하는 계기가 된다. 세 번째 변곡점은 1960년대부터 폭발적인 인기를 모았던 여성농악단 시대이다. ‘남원여성농악단’을 필두로 ‘호남여성농악단’, ‘전북여성농악 단’, ‘전주여성농악단’ 등 수많은 여성농악단 시기를 거치면서 전주는 일거에 우도농악 거점도시가 된다. 여성농악단 지도자들도 전주농고와 마찬가지로 정읍과 김제 출신의 우도농악 명인들이었다. 여성농악단은 이른바 ‘연예농악’이라는 새로운 공연양식을 창출하였 다. 전주농악은 이때의 기억이 강렬하게 남아 있다. 그들이 현시기 전 주농악의 새로운 전통이 되었기 때문이다. 비록 흥행을 앞세우기는 했 으나 치배를 여성만으로 구성하는 전복적(顚覆的) 사고와, 기존의 마당 판 놀음을 무대양식으로 재구성함으로써 전통양식의 근대성 실현이라 는 점 등에서 평가할 만하다. This paper examines the changes in Nongak that have been performed in Jeonju. Since modern times, Jeonju Nongak has undergone several major changes. Depending on the aspect, it is remarkable enough to bring about a change in identity. The data that can confirm the reality of Jeonju Nongak after the modern era is the “Honam Nongak,” an intangible cultural property survey report conducted by Hong Hyun-sik, Kim Cheon-heung, and Park Heon-bong in 1967 and published by the Cultural Heritage Administration. This report can be said to be the first report related to the nature of Jeonju Nongak. The core of this report lies in the fact that Jeonju Nongak was regarded as the so-called “Utneokgut” and defined as Honam Jwado Nongak. The second inflection point is the activities of the Jeonju Agricultural High School(Jeonju Nonggo) “Rural Art Class”, which began in 1954 at Jeonju Agricultural High School. Jeonju Agricultural High School invites Jeong Hyeong-in, a master, to teach dance, Samheonyukgak, folk songs, and Nongak to students of Jeonju Agricultural High School students. At this time, Udo Nongak, who was active in Jeongeup and Gimje, will be appointed as Nongak instructors. From this point on, Jeonju Nongak serves as an opportunity to turn to Honam Udo Nongak. The third inflection point is the era of the Women’s Nongak Band (Yeoseong-nongakdan), which has gained explosive popularity since the 1960s. Starting with the “Namwon Women’s Nongak Band,” Jeonju has become a hub city for Udo Nongak at once through numerous women’s Nongak periods such as the “Honam Women’s Nongak Band,” “Jeonbuk Women’s Nongak Band,” and so on. Like Jeonju Agricultural High School, the women’s Nongak Band leaders were Udo Nongak masters from Jeongeup and Gimje. The Women’s Nongak Band created a new performance style called “Entertainment Nongak.” Jeonju Nongak has a strong memory of this time. This is because they became a new tradition of Jeonju Nongak during this period. Although it put the box office ahead, it is worth evaluating in that it is a subversive thinking that consists of only women and the modernity of the traditional style by reconstructing the existing Madangpan nori into a stage style.

1930년대 전주 풍류의 지향과 실제

권도희 한국국악학회 2007 한국음악연구 Vol.42 No.-

전북지역은 풍류의 전승이 활발한 지역으로 현재까지 풍류의 전통이 이어진다. 20세기 전반기까지 전주에서 상당히 정교한 풍류음악이 향유되었으나 20세기 후반기에는 전승이 끊겨버렸다. 최근 발굴된 악서정해는 현재로서는 20세기 전반기의 전주 풍류를 구체적으로 알 수 있는 유일한 자료이다. 이에 본 연구에서는 악서정해의 가야금 악보를 중심으로 전주 풍류의 구체적인 양상과 지향을 밝히고 나아가 전주 풍류 전승의 단절에 대한 음악사적 원인을 찾아보았다. 전주의 풍류는 선율과 구성 악곡에 있어서 여타 풍류와 같으며, 장구문, 구음법, 조현법 등에서 여타 전북 풍류와 구별된다. 또한 장단과 박의 운용에 있어서 “초”의 사용은 특이 할 만하다. 이처럼 1930년대 전주 풍류는 정교하고 섬세했음을 확인할 수 있었다. 한편 전주 풍류의 지향은 정음이었는데, 전주 풍류의 정음은 절정기의 풍류와 달리 유가의 예악론 가운데 정치교화론으로만 한정된다. 또한 악서정해의 저자는 당시 전주 풍류의 정교함을 토대로 그 위상을 높게 평가하여 이른바 전주 풍류 정통론을 제시하기에 이른다. 이 책의 율보는 전주의 풍류가 정교한 악보집의 편찬도 가능할 만큼 발전되어 있었음을 확인하게 해준다. 그러나 율객의 음악적 지향이 중세에 머물렀던 것은 당대의 확산과 이후의 전승에 어려움으로 작용했던 것으로 파악된다. 풍류 연구에서 경향(京鄕) 간의 이분법적 선율 분석 연구는 서울을 근거로 발달한 음악이 전국적으로 확산되어 있다는 사실을 알게하는 이상으로 이해의 차원을 높이지 못한다. 악서정해를 통해 1930년대 초 전주 풍류의 연구를 진행한 결과 같은 “선율”을 연주한다 하더라도, 이에 대한 수용의 양태는 음악적, 이념적, 지역적으로 다양함을 확인할 수 있었다. Pungrue Music has come down in all over the Korean provinces. Many Pungrue Music circles were organized in Jeonbuk province during the first half of the 20th century and there are many reports of Pungrue Music near Jeonju. However, there is little information about Jeonju Pungrue Music. Because Jeonju Pungrue has not transmitted to the mid-20th. Recently Akseojeonghe(Jeonju:1932) was discovered and photoprinted. We could understand Jeonju Pungrue. This paper is intended to estabilsed Jeonju Pungrue in detail for the first time. The melody and the component part system of Jeonju Pungrue music was similar to others but it could be distinguished from other Jeonbuk Pungrue music in the oral notation, the tuning system and dividing sections. It is interesting in using time notation system especially “cho” Finally, we could find out that Jeonju Pungrue music was elaborate in the 1930s through Akseojeonghe. On the other hand, We could discover the interesting points. The goal of Jeonju Pungrue music is to reach to the right music[正音]. The right music is interpreted variously. Especially right music in Jeonju Pungrue could be construed only Confucian political music discourse[政治敎化論]. It is medievalism viewpoint. That prevent from transmitting Jeonju Pungrue to next generation. And we chould have our attention to another issue in Akseojeonghe. The author Akseojeonghe regarded Jeonju Pungrue as a model of what music ought to be in the 1930s. It could be called orthodoxism of Jeonju Pungrue. It was the motive of elaboration of Jeonju Pungrue.

19세기 풍패지향(豊沛之鄕)의 풍경- 사애(沙厓) 민주현(閔胄顯)의 <완산가>와 전주 관련 제영시 연구 -

김승우(Kim, Seung-u) 한국언어문학회 2019 한국언어문학 Vol.108 No.-

This paper aimed to examine the scenery and culture of Jeonju province during the mid-19th century through Min Juhyeon’s Wansanga and his poems in classical Chinese. Although Min passed the state examination, he was appointed as a low-ranking official named Jogyeongmyo Byeolgeom and had to stay in Jeonju for three years. In a situation where he felt politically frustrated but difficult to resign, the only way of life he could choose was to explore the attractions of Jeonju and to compose poetry. Min’s view on the topography and history of Jeonju is gathered at the beginning of Wansanga. He outlined the major geographical features of Jeonju from the southeast to the southwest. It turns out that he was aware of the origin of each place’s name as well as the topography of Jeonju. In addition, Min explained the history of Jeonju that the confusion of Gyeonhwon’s era regained order in the age of Mokjo and that Mokjo’s influence remained in his own age. In the following part of Wansanga and several poems in classical Chinese, he revealed the characteristics and significance of Jeonju’s major attractions and expressed his emotions about them. Okryudong and Hanbyeokdang are the places where the traces of Choe Dam, a renowned scholar from Jeonju, remained, so Min paid attention to these places that not only recalled the character of Choe but also had outstanding scenery. Mangyeongdae is a hill where Jeong Mongju composed a famous poem missing his king. Min honored Jeong’s loyalty here and identified himself with Jeong. Then, after looking around the pavilions of Jeonju, Min especially highlighted Gongbukru, where the local officials of Jeonju regularly greeted the king, and Manhwaru, the main gate of Jeonju Local School. In this regard, a pavilion was a space for him to strengthen his self-recognition as a literary man, rather than a place for joy. Min took a solemn and temperate appearance in the preceding places, but when he reached Deokjinji, he began to reveal the exalted inspiration. He described the beautiful scenery of Deokjinji filled with lotus flowers and enjoyed the feeling of springtime. In addition, he expressed his longing for ascending to heaven by recalling Li Po. The last scenery of Jeonju in Wansanga is the appearance of women washing clothes in the stream, and Min showed off his excitement by drawing them in the form of beautiful fairies who wash silk. The criterion that Min arranged landscapes in Wansanga is related to the characteristics of each landscape rather than the geographical proximity. After first looking around the noble places in which the traces of the renowned literary men remained, Min visited the places to strengthen his self-recognition as a literary man, and then took the way to daily places full of fascination.

전주팔경의 시원(始原)과 변용(變容)에 관한 연구

노재현 ( Jae Hyun Rho ),손희경 ( Hee Kyung Son ),신상섭 ( Sang Sup Shin ),최종희 ( Jong Hee Choi ) 한국전통조경학회 2015 한국전통조경학회지 Vol.33 No.3

전주를 대상으로 한 11개 집경(集景)의 표제어 및 시어(詩語) 분석과 해석을 토대로 전주 팔경의 형식과 내용상의 시원 및 변용과정을 시계열분석으로 살핀 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 추재(秋齋) 조수삼(趙秀三, 1762~1849)의 팔경시 이전에는 전주팔경의 골격과 유사한 형식의 집경 사례가 발견되지 않는 것으로 보아,『추재집』에 실린 여덟 편의 시를 전주팔경의 시원(始原)으로 보기에는 큰 무리가 없으며 그 시기는 1829년경으로 추정된다. 이후 19세기 말 작품인 ‘완산승경’ 과 ‘열녀춘향수절가 에 기재된 팔경’ 그리고 일제강점기의 ‘시인 신석정이 전하고 있는 팔경’ 중 ‘동포귀범’만이 행정구역의 변화에 따라 동지포에서 봉동의 동촌으로 대상장이 변용되었지만 모두 조수삼의 팔경과 크게 다르지 않다는 점 또한 이를 뒷받침한다. 표제어 일치율 분석 결과, 전주팔경은 최소한 19C 후반에 정착(定着)된 이후 일제강점기에도 줄곧 전주를 대표하는 경관으로 지속된 것으로 확인되며 이후 ‘남천표모’와 ‘곤지망월’이 추가되어 전주십경으로써 외연(外延)이 확산되었다. 이러한 팔경 제영의 형식성에도 불구하고「패향십영(沛鄕十詠)」이나「견도십영(甄都十詠)」그리고「빈일헌십영(賓日軒十詠)」등 조선 전기의 집경뿐만 아니라 일제강점기 일본인 나루시마 슈쿠시(成島淑士)의 집경 속에도 경기전·건지산·조경단·오목대 그리고 기린봉·덕진연·만경대 등 조선왕조의 발생지이자 전라감영의 수부(首府)로서의 상징성이 높고 전주십경의 연원(淵源)이 되는 명소들이 자리하고 있음을 볼 때 전주팔경의 의미론적 태동기는 조선 전기까지로 그 전범이 소급(遡及)되어야 할 것이다. 이 시기에는 견훤도(甄萱都)와 같이 후백제 도읍지로서의 회고(懷古) 관성(慣性)이 큰 승경 뿐 아니라 만경대와 같이 고려말 정몽주와 이성계를 상기시키는 내용의 경물 또한 전주 팔경에 등장함으로써 후백제 도읍지로서의 전주의 위상을 높이고, 조선 왕조의 발흥지로의 역사적 간극을 좁히고 있음이 확인된다. 전주팔경은 후백제 이후 조선시대 역사문화를 담는 유기체적 존재로 다소 부침(浮沈)을 거듭하였지만 지역의 대표적인 승경으로 꾸준히 변용되어 왔다. 전주 팔경은 ‘전주 한풍경(韓風景)’을 이해할 수 있는 문화족보로, 이를 보존하고 계승하기 위한 노력은 오늘을 사는 전주인의 몫이라 판단된다. Based on the analysis and interpretation of the headwords and poetic words of a group of eleven collecting sceneries of Jeonju, the origin and transformations of the Jeonju-Palkyung(Eight sceneries of Jeonju) investigated by a time-series analysis are as follows. As there is no collection of landscape with a formal structure similar to that of the current Jeonju-Palkyung, prior to the Palkyung by Chujae(秋齋) Cho Soo-Sam(趙秀三, 1762~1849), there is no significant problem in assuming the eight poems in Chujaejib(秋齋集) are the origins of the Jeonju-Palkyung, and it is estimated to have been produced in 1829. In the late-19th century poem ‘Wansanseunggyeong(完山勝景)’, ‘the Palkyung in Yeollyeo Chunhyang Sujeolga’, and ‘the Palkyung delivered by poet Shin Seokjeong in the Japanese colonial era’, only the ‘Dongpogwibeom(東浦歸帆)’ changed from Dongjipo to Dongchon of Bongdong as for ‘Landscape Setting There(LST)`` according to changes in district administration; despite this change, the fact that they are not too different from the Palkyung of Cho Soo-Sam, also supports this. Moreover, according to the headword concordance analysis, it is proven that the Jeonju-Palkyung was established in the late-19th century and continued to be the region’s representative sceneries even during the Japanese colonial era, and later ‘Namcheonpyomo(南川漂母)’ and ‘Gonjimangwol(坤止望月)’ were added to expand to the Jeonju-Sipkyung(ten sceneries of Jeonju). But when we see there are famous spots that are the origins of the Jeonju-Sipkyung, including Gyeonggijeon, Geonjisan, Jogyeongdan, Omokdae, and Girinbong, Deokjinyeon, and Mangyeongdae, all of which have great representational significance as the capital of Jeolla Provincial Office as well as of the place of origin for Joseon Dynasty in the grouping of sceneries during the early Joseon Dynasty, including 「Paehyangsipyeong(沛鄕十詠)」, 「Gyeondosipyeong (甄都十詠)」, and 「Binilheonsipyeong(賓日軒十詠)」, the beginnings of the semantic Jeonju-Palkyung should be considered up to the first half of Joseon Dynasty. During this period, not only the fine sceneries with high retrospective merit as the capital of Hubaekje, like Gyeonhwondo(甄萱都), but also the sceneries like Mangyeongdae that reminds people of Jeong Mongju(鄭夢周) and Yi Seonggye(李成桂) in the late period of Goryeo appeared, elevating the status of Jeonju as the capital of Hubaekje and shortening the historical gaps as the place of origin of the Joseon Dynasty. The Jeonju-Palkyung is an organic item that carries the history of the Joseon Dynasty after Hubaekje and has gone through many cycles of disappearing and reappearing, but it has continued to change and transform as the region’s representative sceneries. The Jeonju-Palkyung is a cultural genealogy that helps one understand the ‘Jeonju Hanpunggyeong(韓風景: the sceneries of Korea in Jeonju)’, and the efforts to preserve and pass it down to the next generation would be the responsibility of the people of Jeonju.

고려 초기 전주 연구

허인욱 고려대학교 역사연구소 2024 사총 Vol.111 No.-

Jeonju was the capital of the Later Baekje dynasty. After the surrender of Shingum in 936 following battles at Ilichen and elsewhere, Jeonju became an administrative district of Goryeo. From Goryeo's perspective, it is likely that Jeonju was not an easy place to deal with in the Later Baekje dynasty’s region, especially as the capital. It was a symbolic space for those who opposed Goryeo. Wang Geon recognized the Later Baekje dynasty’s people as homogeneous, he also had a negative perception of them. This can be seen in the establishment of the Annamahobu immediately after the annexation of the Later Baekje dynasty, keeping in mind the rebellious spirit of the local people. In February 983, Jeonju was established, and then changed to Jeonjusooneui-gunJeoldosa and Annamdohobu depending on changes in the situation at the time, but after becoming Jeonju in 1022, it remained almost unchanged until the end of Goryeo. Immediately after the fall of the Later Baekje dynasty, some Jeonju people migrated to Gaekyung. This was partly to reward those who had cooperated with Goryeo, such as Park Young-gyu, but there was also a reason to prevent the Later Baekje dynasty’s people from forming a power with Jeonju as its center. In the Great King of Gwangjong reign, after the implementation of the pastoral system, there were some who moved into centralized management, as seen in the case of Yu Bang-heon. This was because they were able to help the Great King of Gwangjong’s reform. However, due to changes in the local system and those who entered the central government office, Jeonju Lee and Jeonju Park family have emerged as new Hyangri classes(local clerks) in Jeonju. 전주는 후백제의 수도였다. 936년 신검이 항복한 이후, 전주는 고려의 행정구역으로 편제되었다. 고려의 입장에서 전주는 후백제 지역, 특히 수도였던 전주는 다루기 쉽지 않은 곳이었다. 이곳은 고려에 반발하는 이들에게 상징적인 공간이었기 때문이다. 후백제를 통합한 왕건은 후백제인들에 대한 동질성을 가진 것으로 인정하면서도 한편으로는 부정적인 인식도 지니고 있었다. 이는 후백제 병합 직후 지역민의 이반을 염두에 두고 안남도호부를 설치한 것에서 엿볼 수 있다. 983년 2월에 전주목이 설치되었다가 당시 정세의 변화에 따라 전주순의군절도사, 안남대도호부 등으로 바뀌기도 했으나, 1022년에 전주목으로 정착된 이후에는 고려말까지 거의 변화없이 유지되었다. 후백제 멸망 직후 전주인들 가운데는 개경으로 이주한 이들이 존재했다. 여기에는 박영규와 같이 고려에 협조한 이들에 대한 보답 차원에서 이루어진 경우도 있으나, 전주를 구심점으로 후백제계인들이 세력을 형성하는 것을 막고자 하는 이유 또한 존재했다. 과거제가 실시된 광종대 이후 유방헌의 사례에서 보듯이 전주인이 중앙의 관리로 진출하는 사례가 발생하였는데, 이들이 광종의 개혁에 도움을 줄 수 있는 존재였기 때문이다. 하지만 중앙관직에 진출한 이들과 지방제도의 변화로 인해 전주에서는 전주이씨나 전주박씨 등이 새로운 향리층으로 대두되었다.

Characteristics of soybean sprout locally cultivated in the Jeonju region, used for Bibimbap and Kongnamul-gukbap

이영은 한국식품연구원 2015 Journal of Ethnic Foods Vol.2 No.2

Background: Jeonju has been named by United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as a Creative City of Gastronomy since 2012. The title was awarded based on foods and traditional culture. Jeonju's homemade food preparation style, which has been passed down for thousands of years, was highly praised. Jeonju bibimbap and kongnamul-gukbap are the representative foods of Jeonju city. Soybean sprout cultivated locally in the Jeonju region is famous for being one of the “Jeonju 10 delicacies”, and is one of the essential food ingredients in Jeonju bibimbap and kongnamul-gukbap. This study was conducted to provide basic data on why Jeonju soybean sprout has been famous nationwide for a long time. Methods: The analyses of proximate components, minerals, vitamin C content, and sensory evaluation using quantitative descriptive analysis were conducted on raw soybeans and soybean sprouts cultivated using groundwater from Jeonju, along with raw domestic soybeans, and Chinese soybeans from other regions. Results: Soybean sprouts cultivated with groundwater from the Jeonju region resulted in a sweeter taste and a more delicious and crunchier texture. It also resulted in a less undesirable ‘beany’ flavor. As a result, these soybean sprouts are superior overall compared with those grown in other regions regardless of the fact whether the origin of the raw material was domestic or from China (p < 0.001). Even though the soybean sprouts cultivated from Chinese soybeans were very good in the overall acceptability, they had a grassy and bean-like flavor because of a high linolenic acid content. Conclusion: Soybean sprouts cultivated using Chinese soybeans in Jeonju were better in the overall acceptability than those grown in other regions because the Jeonju product contained two to three times less amino acids, such as leucine, tyrosine, and phenylalanine, than the other regional products, which tasted bitter. The cultivating water may affect the free amino-acid content of soybean sprouts and their taste.

전주 구도심 전라감영지의 재생과 활성화를 위한 설계연구

한고은(Han, Ko-Eun),이영(Lee, Young) 대한건축학회 2012 대한건축학회논문집 Vol.28 No.11

The purpose of this study is to analyze boundaries of the old Jeonju City and then suggest an architectural proposal for revitalizing the Historical site, JeollaGamYoung. Jeonju has been through its course of the birth, growth, decline and regeneration under different economic, cultural and political conditions. Nowadays Jeonju is pursuing two compatible goals called “conservation” of history, traditions and cultural elements and “development” to improve citizen’s life quality. This study also suggests a future prospect for Jeonju which has been its characteristic history and culture from an angle of development and regeneration. At the same time, this study investigates the old Jeonju City as a centre of present city. Also it finds out how this part has changed its role as old civic center. In addition, this study has a specific goal as a basic material that can be effective for old civic center’s regeneration. Firstly, we analyze the structure of old Jeonju City, and try to figure out boundaries of JeollaGamYoung and its annex using several stacked layers of old maps of Jeonju. We verify exact boundary of past in old Jeonju with a method of overlapping two sheets of maps of past Jeonju and present one. Secondly, restoration of JeollaGamYoung is understood in the same context as regeneration of old civic center, Jeonju. Thirdly, this study suggests a new direction of urban regeneration proposal using local government office in Jeonju and the future changes. Thus, this study proposes a unique method about how to preserve the old civic center of Jeonju, and how to regenerate this urban center in architectural perspectives. We expect to revitalize the old civic center of Jeonju with the combination of traditional culture contents and this architectural proposal on its new main street.