手搏戱에 대한 考察

허인욱 한국체육사학회 2002 체육사학회지 Vol.10 No.-

The Subak(手搏) stands for traditional Korean weapon free martial arts which recorded in the document. but the Subak has disappeared in the official document on the latter period of Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty. May be it connected with a change of tactics used to a hot weapon with a bow. The Subak change a name -subyok(슈벽) and subyokchgi(수벽치기)- during the long period time. In Subak, hand movements with kicking are the main movement are the main techniques and there is a close connection with swordmanship which recorded in Haidongjukji(海東竹枝). It means Subak differ from Gueon-buep(拳法) which oriented from China. Because Subak skill came from swodmanship but Geun-bup is a elementary skill which is training martial arts.

형성과정으로 본 태권도의 정체성에 관하여

허인욱 한국체육사학회 2004 체육사학회지 Vol.14 No.-

The papers regarding Takwondo(TKD) history have been written in two directions; One, emphasizing its root is coming from andent martial arts in the Three Kingdom era. Two, describing it's derived from Karate only. Some of grand masters of 5 do-jang(道場, Taekwondo Gymnasium)s, which is unified as TKD afterwards, trained Karate came from Okinawa during their stay in Japan as students. And the others trained martial arts in Manchuria Therefore it can't be described as TKD is developed by influence of Karate only. And considering the fact that the main curriculum of those five do-jangs was centered on Kicking technique originate from Korean folk, so we know that the current TKD seems to be affected by Korean traditional martial arts. In conclusion, it would be objective view that TKD had been shaped by Karate mainly and by Manchurian and Korean traditional martial art.

高麗의 歷史繼承에 대한 契丹의 認識變化와 領土問題

허인욱 한국중세사학회 2008 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.24

There were various perceptions of historical succession of Goryeo(高麗) in Khitan(契丹). However, after the first armed clash between Goryeo and Khitan, it was emphasized in Khitan that Goryeo had succeeded Silla(新羅) or Jinbyun(辰卞). Because Sǒ-hǔi(徐熙), one of generals of Goryeo, said that Goryeo was the successor of Goguryeo(高句麗) and that it was Khitan that occupied territory belonging to Goryeo. So Khitan needed a sound basis in the negotiation of territorial dispute. The story of the Goryeo’s succession to Silla had been maintained from the times of Khitan emperor Sheng-tsung(聖宗) to the early years of Hsing-tsung(興宗) reign. After a while, the perception in Khitan that Goguryeo was succeeded by Goryeo continued to thrive until the last period of Hsing-tsung(興宗) reign. Hsing-tsung(興宗) couldn't concede that Goryeo succeeded Goguryeo because Hsing-tsung(興宗) desired to unify the world that period. The Khitan's perception that Goryeo succeeded Goguryeo continued to the Tao-tsung(道宗) and T'ien-tso(天祚帝)'s reign. It was because there was no more military collision on the territory between Goryeo and Khitan. Khitan court, rather, recognized that Goryeo succeeded Goguryeo in order to curb Jurchen when the Jurchen(女眞) grew rapidly prosper. There were various perceptions of historical succession of Goryeo(高麗) in Khitan(契丹). However, after the first armed clash between Goryeo and Khitan, it was emphasized in Khitan that Goryeo had succeeded Silla(新羅) or Jinbyun(辰卞). Because Sǒ-hǔi(徐熙), one of generals of Goryeo, said that Goryeo was the successor of Goguryeo(高句麗) and that it was Khitan that occupied territory belonging to Goryeo. So Khitan needed a sound basis in the negotiation of territorial dispute. The story of the Goryeo’s succession to Silla had been maintained from the times of Khitan emperor Sheng-tsung(聖宗) to the early years of Hsing-tsung(興宗) reign. After a while, the perception in Khitan that Goguryeo was succeeded by Goryeo continued to thrive until the last period of Hsing-tsung(興宗) reign. Hsing-tsung(興宗) couldn't concede that Goryeo succeeded Goguryeo because Hsing-tsung(興宗) desired to unify the world that period. The Khitan's perception that Goryeo succeeded Goguryeo continued to the Tao-tsung(道宗) and T'ien-tso(天祚帝)'s reign. It was because there was no more military collision on the territory between Goryeo and Khitan. Khitan court, rather, recognized that Goryeo succeeded Goguryeo in order to curb Jurchen when the Jurchen(女眞) grew rapidly prosper.

李安社의 全州 出去에 관한 연구

허인욱 (사)한국인물사연구회 2014 한국인물사연구 Vol.21 No.-

To summarize the above discussions, Lee Ansa, who was born in the 19th year of King Gojong's reign, emigrated to Samcheok around the 39th year of King Gojong's reign because of the conflict he had with Sanseongbyeolgam, who was dispatched to Jeonju at the time. Not long after the emigration to Samcheok, in the 40th year of King Gojong's reign, when the Mongolian military led by Yeku invaded, he went to Dootasanseong to take refuge and moved to Uiju in the spring of the 41st year of King Gojong's reign after the Mongolian military retreated. The background of Lee Ansa's emigration was basically in the fact that he was related to Lee Euibang, hence was the target of surveillance and containment. In addition, there was a latent conflict due to the tyranny of the dispatched government officials on local people. The conflict further caused gisaeng problem, thus Lee Ansa had to emigrate to Samcheok and then to Uiju with his followers. Although the northern emigration of Lee Ansa was due to the tyranny of government official, it was considered as an act of treason within Goryo. However, the document only records it as a dispute over a gisaeng. This is because the Joseon Dynasty was established on the basis of Confucian ideology, hyo(filial duty) and choong (fidelity), hence it could not be disclosed as an act of treason as it was. Therefore the dissonance with the official and submission process to Mongol were minimized, while the gisaeng problem was emphasized, turning it into merely personal and humanistic case. This can be also found from fact that Lee Ansa built a ship to defend from Japanese attack and was assigned as Uiju Byeongmasa to protect from the soldiers of the Yuan Dynasty. Justification or legitimacy was intended to be conferred by stressing that the emigration was an inevitable choice and he still worked for Goryo while understating the betrayal and surrender to Mongol.

高麗 明宗 3년의 金甫當 亂 연구

허인욱 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.43

Three years after the military coup (mushinran), Kim Bodang, then Byeongmasa in the Northeastern region (dongbukmyeon), mobilized military officers in August in the third year of King Myungjong’s reign, to suppress Jeong Jungbu and Lee Euibang who seized political power, and to enthrone the previous king Euijong. To this end, Kim Bodang mobilized military officers in the region of donggye, but was repressed within two months. This move was joined by his younger brother, Kim Jidang, personal acquaintances, and former palace attendants during the reign of King Euijong. At the time, Kim Bodang’s strategic places included dongbukmyeon, Western province (seohaedo), the city of Jeonju and Gyeongju, and the crackdown focused on hardliners including Lee Euibang, instead of all military officers. However, Kim Bodang’s attempt was repressed quickly, primarily because an effort to restore the reign of King Euijong did not have much impact on civil servants or ordinary people. One of the reasons is severe drought at the time. People were struggling to survive, and enthroning King Euijong probably did not appeal to them as a legitimate cause. Another problem was a failure to build a broad consensus among civil servants, and the lack of connection with them. Also, another reason for failure was that Kim Bodang’s strategic places were under influence of Jeong Jungbu, Lee Euibang, and Lee Euimin, which made it hard to gather enough forces in the beginning. Lee Euibang and others put prominent community figures in the regions that Kim Bodang chose as a place of mobilizing military officers, to curb expansion of his influences, which led to a short-lived military mobilization by Kim Bodang.

[무용(2)] 조선 후기 칼춤 그림과 『무예도보통지(武藝圖譜通志)』 「쌍검(雙劍)」동작의 비교

허인욱 현대미학사 2021 공연과 리뷰 Vol.27 No.1

麗末鮮初 정치적 변동과 恩津宋氏의 懷德 정착

허인욱 강원사학회 2020 江原史學 Vol.0 No.35

Eunjin-Song Clan(恩津宋氏) is a family that was founded mainly in Hoedeok(懷 德), and the time when Eunjin-Song Clan came to Hoedeok is from the end of the 14th century to the beginning of the 15th century. It originated from the fact that the Song, Myung-Ui(宋明誼) who lived in the Late Goryeo, became the son-in-law of Huedeok-Hwang Clan(懷德黃氏). However, Eunjin-Song was called Heosong(懷宋, Song Clan of Hoe-deok) so deeply related to the local community that it was only after his grandson, Song, Yu(宋愉) began to live. Song, Myung-Ui entered the office after passing the state examination in October 1362. He was pushed out of the politics in 1369-1372 due to the surrender of a relative who was killed by the party of Shin Don and moved to Hoedeok, his wife‘s hometown. However, that did not mean that it completely ended ties with the central government. This can be seen from the fact that his son, Song, Guek-ki(宋克己), passed the first examination for office, and after entering Joseon Dynasty, his grandson, Song, Yu, was appointed to the busajeong without ban. However, Song, Yu was also pushed out of the politics because her foreign grandfather Yoo, Joon(柳濬) had a close relationship with Taejo Lee, Seong-gye(李 成桂), and his relationship with Taejong Lee, Bang-won(李芳遠) was not friendly. Song Yu decided to return to Hoedeok due to the issue of the Jongmyo Shrine of Queen Shindeok(神德王后). Eunjin-Song Clan's case is believed to be helpful in the study of other families who lived in the region after Living in the countryside in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty. 은진송씨는 회덕을 중심으로 성하였던 가문으로, 은진송씨가 회덕에 입향한 시기는 14세기 말에서 15세기 초에 해당한다. 고려 말을 살았던 宋明誼가 회덕황씨黃粹의 사위가 되어 이곳에 온 데서 비롯되었던 것이다. 다만 은진송씨가 懷宋(회덕의 송씨)이라고 칭해질 만큼 지역사회의 깊은 연고를 가지게 된 것은 손자인 宋愉가거주하기 시작한 이후부터이다. 회덕 松村里는 白氏들이 다수 거주해서 배달촌이라고 불리던 곳인데, 고려 말기에 은진송씨의 선조인 송유가 이 땅에 거주하기 시작한이래 그 자손들이 번창해서 송촌이란 명칭을 가지게 되었다. 송명의가 관직에 진출한 것은 1362년 10월에 과거에 합격하면서부터이다. 그는1369년에서 1372년 사이에 신돈의 당여로 몰려 죽임을 당한 인척 유탁으로 인해정계에서 밀려나, 처향인 회덕으로 거주지를 옮겼다. 하지만 그렇다고 해서 완전히중앙정부와의 관계를 끊은 것은 아니었다. 이는 그의 아들인 송극기가 진사에 합격하고, 조선에 들어와서 손자인 송유가 무반으로 호분위부사정에 임명된 것에서 알수 있다. 하지만 송유 또한 정계에서 밀려났는데, 그 이유는 외조부인 유준이 태조이성계와 밀접한 관계를 맺는 탓에 태종 이방원과의 관계가 우호적이지 않았기때문이다. 송유는 신덕왕후 강씨의 종묘 부묘 문제로 인해 회덕으로의 낙향을 결정하였다. 은진송씨의 사례는 고려 말과 조선 초기에 낙향을 해 지방에 세거하게 된다른 가문의 연구에도 도움을 줄 것으로 판단된다.

시공하중이 작용하는 더블리브 깊은 데크플레이트의 구조거동에 대한 실험적 연구

허인욱,한선진,최승호,김강수,김성배 한국구조물진단유지관리공학회 2019 한국구조물진단유지관리공학회 논문집 Vol.23 No.7

Recently, the use of deep deck plate has been increased in various structures, such as underground parking lots, logistics warehouses, because it can reduce construction periods and labor costs. In this study, a newly developed Double Deck (D-deck) plate which can leads to save story heights has been introduced, and experimental tests on a total of five D-deck plates under construction loads have been carried out to investigate their structural performance at construction stage. The loads were applied by sands and concrete to simulate the actual distributed loading conditions, and the vertical deflection of D-Deck and the horizontal deformation of web were measured and analyzed in detail. As a result, it was confirmed that all the D-decks showed very small vertical deflection of less than 5.34 mm under construction loads, which satisfies the maximum deflection limit of L / 180. In addition, the D-Deck plate was found to have a sufficient rigidity to resist construction loads in a stable manner. 최근 국내 건설시장에서는 공기 및 노무비를 감소시킬 수 있는 데크플레이트 공법이 주차장, 물류창고 등 다양한 구조물에 적용되고 있다. 이 연구에서는 층고를 감소시킬 수 있도록 새로 개발된 더블 데크 플레이트 (Double deck plate, 이하 D-deck)의 시공하중에 대한 저항성능을 규명하기 위한 실험을 수행하였다. 시공시 작용하는 등분포 하중조건을 모사하기 위하여 모래와 콘크리트를 이용하여 하중을 재하 하였으며, D-deck의 수직처짐과 웨브의 수평변형을 상세히 계측하고 분석하였다. 그 결과. 시공하중 작용시 D-deck에 발생한 처짐량은 5.34 mm보다 작아 최대 처짐 제한값인 L / 180을 만족하였다. 또한, D-deck 시공하중에 대하여 매우 안정적으로 저항할 수 있는 충분한 강성을 확보한 것으로 나타났다.

Performance-based fire behaviour analysis for underground parking structures

허인욱,Hyun Kang,이득행,Jae Yuel Oh,Jungmin Lee,Kang Su Kim 서울시립대학교 도시과학연구원 2016 도시과학국제저널 Vol.20 No.2

The current design code for building structures in South Korea specifies the minimum fire resistance ratings and fire-resisting performances for each structural component, for which a standard fire curve is required to be applied. There are, however, obvious differences between the standard fire curve and the actual fire behaviour observed from real events. In this study, a fire dynamic-based simulation was conducted on a typical underground parking structure, from which a realistic fire design curve was obtained. In addition, thermal behaviour and fire-resisting response of hollow-core slabs in the underground parking structure were estimated by using the realistic fire design curve, which was compared to those based on the design fire curve specified in the current code. On this basis, it is considered that more rational and economic fire resistance design of underground parking structure is possible by utilizing the realistic fire curve.

고려 太祖代 對中 외교 연구

허인욱 한국중세사학회 2017 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.49

During the reign of King Taejo, Goryeo formed diplomatic relationship with Late Tang dynasty and Late Jin dynasty among the five dynasties. Goryeo formed relationship with Late Tang dynasty in order to contain alliance between Late Baekje dynasty and Khitan. At the time, the international situation was characterized by alliance between Late Baekje dynasty in the south and Khitan in the north and confrontation between Goryeo in the east and Late Tang dynasty in the west. Therefore, Goryeo needed assistance of a force that was able to resolve pressure between Khitan and Late Baekje dynasty; Late Tang dynasty was such force. For its part, Late Tang dynasty was not able to disregard Goryeo because Goryeo was the only force to contain on the back Khitan’s moving southward. It was from October 927 when they came to know about travel exchange between Late Baekje dynasty and Khitan that both nations recognized the need for each other. In 932 of Late Tang dynasty, it determined installation of Wang Geon in order to contain Khitan. In 935 and 936, great change occurred in East Asia. On the Korean Peninsula, Silla and Late Baekje dynasty were unified by Goryeo, and the Late Tang dynasty collapsed and Late Jin dynasty was established in five dynasty areas. Goyeo maintained friendly relationship with Late Jin dynasty as well. The reason was that it may be invaded by a force from the northern areas. Khitan was ceded the Sixteen Prefectures from Late Jin dynasty in November 936 and since then it triggered military collision with Goryeo and put continuous pressure on it with unilateral demands. Certainly, late jin dynasty also needed Goryeo in order to contain Khitan that may attack it anytime; both nations had a common enemy. From such perspectives, diplomatic relationship at the time was formed with political purposes of national security rather than from cultural or economic aspects.