꿈을 찾아 떠난 사람들 - 한국고대 유학생의 연구현황과 과제 -

윤재운 전북사학회 2020 전북사학 Vol.0 No.59

본 논문은 한국 고대 유학생의 연구현황과 과제를 검토하기 위해 쓰였다. 유학은 외국의 학술·기술·문화 등을 공부하기 위하여 외국의 교육기관이나 연구기관 등에서 교육을 받거나 연구 활동에 종사하는 일이다. 이러한 유학 은 오늘날에도 중요한 교육방법의 하나이다. 그런데 오늘날 유학이 개인의 선택과 자력에 의해 대부분 행해지는 것과 달리, 고대의 유학은 특히 귀국하 여 고위관료가 되기 위한 한 과정으로서 국가의 통제를 받았다. 이러한 고대 유학생의 역사적 의미는 정치적으로는 외교관으로서 양국 간 의 실무를 논의하였다는 것, 경제적으로는 당시의 동아시아 각국 경제생활의 한 단면을 엿볼 수 있다는 점, 그리고 문화적으로는 문화교류의 전도사였다 는 점을 들 수가 있다. 나아가 나말여초 변혁기의 새로운 시대를 이끌 인재 의 보고였다는 점에 있다고 할 수 있다. 향후 연구과제로 네 가지를 제시해 보았다. 우선은 새로운 자료의 발굴이 다. 한국 고대사 연구의 어려움 가운데 하나가 사료부족이고, 이는 유학생 분 야도 마찬가지이다. 중국 금석문은 한국고대사 연구에 유익하게 활용되고 있 다. 그럼에도 그것은 국내 금석문에 비해 관련 자료의 양이 적을뿐더러 포괄 하는 내용 또한 다양하지 못하다. 그러나 몇몇 사례에서도 보이듯이, 적극적 인 자료 발굴을 통해 유학생 나아가 고대사 연구가 풍성해지길 기대해 본다. 두 번째로는 해당국가에 끼친 영향에 대한 분석이 필요하다는 점을 들 수 있다. 그 동안의 도당유학생과 구법승연구는 많은 학문적 축적을 이루어냈다. 빈공과의 급제자수와 구법승의 규모도 실상이 확인되고 있다. 또 산발적이던 이들의 활동무대가 중국이나 인도 등에 미치고 있음이 확인되었다. 그러나 개별적 연구를 종합하려는 노력이 아쉬웠고, 시대별 특징과 중국불교에 끼친 사상적 영향력의 연구가 미흡하였다. 세 번째로는 연구시각의 전환을 들 수 있다. 구법승 연구에서 한국 불교는 중국 불교의 移植에 지나지 않는다는 인식을 극복하고 한국불교사의 가치를 드러내고자 하였다는 측면에서 한국의 高僧들을 발굴해내고 적극적으로 긍정 적 평가를 내렸던 초기 연구의 시대적 의의에 대해서는 부정할 수 없다. 하 지만 동아시아 불교 더 나아가 교류사 연구 방법으로서 단순한 양적 연구방 법을 넘어 사료를 바탕으로 하여 상대편의 시각에서 문제에 접근함으로써 보 다 진전된 논의를 이끌어 낼 필요가 있다. 균형감이 담보되지 않은 상황에서 는 동아시아 불교사의 구상도, 중국에서 활동했던 한국 승려들의 정체성과 활동의 의미에 대한 논의가 자칫 공론에 그칠 수 있기 때문이다. 도당유학생 의 연구에도 이러한 균형 감각이 필요하다고 생각한다. 마지막으로 연구방법론의 문제를 들 수 있다. 지난 반세기 동안의 한국 고 대 유학생에 대한 연구 분량은 상당히 축적되어 있다. 현재 우리가 직면한 과제는 이들 선행연구의 성찰적 평가에 기초하면서 새로운 연구를 위한 다양 한 방법론을 모색하는 것이다. 우리는 국제화와 세계화의 시대에 통섭의 요 청 즉 융복합적 정보의 제공이라는 시대적 요청에 따라 인접학문과도 긴밀하 게 소통해야만 한다. 고고학·민속학 등의 인접 학문과의 학제간 연구가 필 요하다. 아울러 이주나 이민, 디아스포라 같은 사회과학 개념도 고대 유학생 연구에 적극 활용을 고려할 필요가 있다. This paper was written to review the research status and tasks of Korean ancient students who studied abroad. The historical significance of these ancient students was that they discussed the affairs of the two countries as diplomats politically, so that they could get a glimpse of the economics of East Asian countries at that time, while also acting as culturally evangelists of cultural exchange. Furthermore, it can be said that studying abroad was a treasure trove of those who are talented, and who will lead a new era of transformation in the late Silla Dynasty. I presented four future research subjects. The first is the discovery of new data. Next, it is necessary to analyze the impact of studying abroad on the country. The third is the transition of research viewpoint. As a method of studying East Asian Buddhism and the history of exchange, it is necessary to bring forward more advanced discussions by approaching problems from the perspective of the other side based on feed rather than just quantitative research methods. Finally, the problem of research methodology can be mentioned. Interdisciplinary research with neighboring studies such as archaeology and folklore is needed. In addition, social science concepts such as migration, immigration, and diaspora need to be considered actively for the study of ancient students.

新羅 下代 渡唐留學의 성행과 그 배경

강나리 한국고대사학회 2018 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.90

In 640, princes of the Royal Family in Silla entered Guoxue (國學), the national institute of higher education in Tang, to become the first ever students from Silla to study in Tang. The flow of students to Tang ceased during the Silla-Tang War but resumed in the era of King Seongdeok. By the end of the eighth century, however, students to Tang had returned to Silla only to find themselves appointed to the regional official inferior to those who are from Silla Munjeok. Studying abroad to Tang had culminated in 821 when Ungyeong Kim passed Bingong Section (賓貢科) of the Tang Imperial Examination. In 837, the registered Silla students in Tang counted 216. Together with the quantitative increase, the quality of alumni also improved: historical records read that many had passed the Bingong Section and became bureaucrats in Tang or returned Silla to become officials in both central and regional governments. This widespread popularity of studying in Tang in the ninth century Silla is unique as the number of international students in Tang showed the decreasing pattern. The An–Shi Rebellion made Tang government became reluctant to support international student, but notwithstanding this financial difficulty, Silla students in Tang managed to continue their study on their own or thanks to the support from the Silla expatriate there. Besides, the status of the alumni had improved as the graduates passed the Bingong Section and got appointed officials. Due to this promotion of Silla students’ status, Silla dispatched more students to Tang as the status of Suk-wi Haksaeng (宿衛學生) instead of the previous bonded status of Suk-wi (宿衛). Even though Silla authorities tried to raise talent by starting its own school (Gukhak, 國學) and civil service examination system (Dokseosampumgua, 讀書三品科), the increase of the Jingol (眞骨) nobles and an unstable international situation prevented them from functioning properly. 신라는 640년 처음으로 왕족자제를 당 국학에 입학시켰다. 도당유학생은 나당전쟁기 이후 한동안 파견되지 않다가 성덕왕대에 재개되었다. 8세기 말에는 도당유학생 출신이 귀국 후에 지방관인 縣 小守에 임명되지만, 문적 출신과 비교하여 열등한 위치에 있었다. 도당유학은 821년 김운경의 빈공과 급제 이후 본격적으로 성행하여, 837년에는 그 수가 216명에 달하였다. 양적 증가와 함께 질적 향상도 나타나는데, 빈공과에 급제하여 당 관직에 진출하거나 귀국 후 신라의 중앙·지방관에 있었던 것이 확인된다. 이러한 9세기 신라의 도당유학 성행은 도당유학생이 감소하는 국제적인 추세에 반하는 것이었다. 신라의 도당유학생은 안사의 난 이후 당의 유학생 지원 악화 속에서도 학생의 자비 부담 및 재당 신라인들의 지원으로 유학생활을 지속할 수 있었다. 아울러 빈공과 급제 및 관직 제수로 양국에서 그 위상이 제고되었으며, 숙위를 대신하여 숙위학생의 파견이 늘어났다. 인재 양성을 위하여 국내에 국학과 독서삼품과를 설치하였으나, 진골귀족의 증가와 국내 정세의 불안으로 그 기능을 다할 수 없었다.

신라 하대 도당유학 출신의 지방관 부임 양상

李濟赫(Lee, Je-hyuk) 신라사학회 2021 新羅史學報 Vol.- No.53

신라 하대에는 도당유학생이 증가하여 唐에서 出身의 기회를 얻은 인물도 있었다. 도당유학생의 出身 방법은 대체로 국자감을 졸업한 다음 외국인을 대상으로 하는 과거에 응시하는 것이었고, 일부는 唐 국자감에서 유학했다는 사실 자체를 인정받거나 황제를 수행하여 벼슬을 얻었다. 이러한 도당유학 출신은 신라에 귀국한 다음 중앙의 문한직이나 지방관으로 진출하였다. 기존 연구에서 도당유학 출신이 문한직에 제수된 이유에 대해서는 이들이 장기간의 유학생활을 통해 익힌 漢文 능력을 인정받았기 때문이라고 논의되어 왔다. 그러나 도당유학 출신이 지방관에 제수된 이유에 대해서는 본격적으로 논의된 바가 미비한 실정이었다. 이에 본고는 도당유학 출신이 지방관에 제수되었던 맥락을 살펴보고자, 이들이 지방관으로 관할했던 지역을 검토하여 부임지의 공통점을 구명해보았다. 그 결과 도당유학 출신의 지방관 부임지는 대체로 해상 교류가 활발했던 서해안 교통로에 집중되어 있다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 도당유학 출신으로서 사료에서 처음으로 지방관에 제수된 것으로 전해지는 子玉은 唐 사신이 신라에 내항했을 때 경주로 가는 교통의 요지에 小守로 부임하였다. 이후 도당유학 출신은 唐과의 교류가 활발해지며 국제성이 고조되었던 서해안 지역에 주로 부임하였다. 이는 경주와 멀리 떨어져 있는 지방에 도당유학 출신을 보내는 일종의 차별적 조치로 이해될 수도 있지만, 한편으로 입사 경쟁이 치열했던 下代였으므로 지방관에 제수되었다는 것 자체에 대한 의의에 주목해볼 필요성도 제기되었다. 신라 조정이 도당유학 출신을 지방관에 기용하고, 특히 서해안 지역에 부임시켰던 것에는 도당유학 출신만의 고유한 능력이 인정되었기 때문이라고 생각되었다. 도당유학 출신은 국학이나 독서삼품과 출신에 비하여 국내 사정 이해에는 불리할 수 있었지만, 唐語구사 능력은 도당유학 출신만이 가졌던 특기였다. 唐과의 외교가 활발했던 下代에는 唐사신의 내항에 대해 적절하게 응대하는 업무가 요구되었다. 또한 여러 국적의 다양한 성격을 가진 비공식적 해안 내착도 종종 발생하였다. 이러한 배경에서 장기간의 유학으로 국제성과 唐語 구사 능력을 가졌던 도당유학 출신이 서해안 지역의 지방관에 제수되었던 것으로 추론되었다. In the late period of Silla, Korean students studied in Tang for get chances to become officials. The most common way to become an official was to pass the imperial examination(科擧) in Tang. But there were also some students who became officials in recognition of the fact that he had studied in Tang, or served the emperor well enough. Those who studied in Tang could become Silla officials of the Academy(翰林臺) or the local governors. It was pointed out earlier that the reason why those who studied in Tang could work in the Academy. It was because they were recognized for their ability to read and write Chinese through long-term international studies. However, the reason why Silla students studied abroad in Tang could become local governors was not discussed in earnest. In order to examine the context why Silla students studied in Tang could became the local governors, it was need to try to analyze the areas under their jurisdiction as the local governors and to find the common ground. As a result, it was shown that the locations of the local governors who studied in Tang were mostly concentrated on the transportation site of the waterway, where exchanges with Tang were active. Ja’ok(子玉), who is said to have been first ordained to a local governor as a student studied in Tang, was appointed to a Sosu(小守) at the gist of the waterway to Gyeongju when Tang envoys sailed to Silla. Later, Silla local governors who studied in Tang were appointed to the West Coast of Korean Peninsula, where internationalism was heightened due to active exchanges and communications. This can be understood as a kind of discriminatory policy to send them to regions far from Gyeongju(慶州). However, since it was a time of fierce competition for employment, it was also necessary to pay attention to the significance of becoming the local governors. The Silla government appointed those who studied in Tang especially in the West Coast region, because it recognized the unique ability of them. Although studying abroad in Tang could have been disadvantageous to understanding domestic circumstances compared to those who studied in Guk’hak(國學) or passed Dokseosampumgwa(讀書三品科), the ability to speak Tang language(唐語) was a specialty that only those who studied abroad in Tang had. In the Late period of Silla, when diplomacy with Tang was active, the task of responding appropriately to the Tang envoy was required. In addition, private merchants often landed on the West Coast. Against this backdrop, those who had international achievements and a command of the Tang language through long-term study, could become the local governors in the West Coast region.

崔致遠과 渡唐留學生

李成市(Lee, Sung-Si) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.63

이 글은 신라 제일의 문인인 최치원의 위업을 개인의 업적만이 아니라, 최치원과 渡唐留學生들이 행한 역할과 관련하여 신라 下代는 물론이고 韓國文化史上, 나아가 동아시아文化史上의 의의를 밝히는 데 목적이 있다. 고려 전기에서 중기에 이르는 시기는 ‘小中華’ 인식으로 상징되는 中國文明化가 심화되던 시대였다. 이는 최치원으로 대표되는 9세기 이래 신라의 적극적인 유학생 파견에 의한 당문화 수용에서 기원하는 것이었다. 10세기 초 신라에서 고려로 왕조교체가 있었지만, 신라 하대에서 고려 12세기 중반까지는 중국문명화의 침투가 심화된 시대임과 동시에, 그에 따라 자기 문화에 대한 자각이 깊어진 시대이기도 했다. 이를 대표하는 것이 신라 하대의 鄕歌와 고려 전기의 鄕職이다. 중국문명의 심화와 자국문화(國風)의 자각과 昂揚은 모순되는 것이 아니라, 兩義的인 것으로 파악할 필요가 있다. 최치원으로부터 비롯된 ‘鄕’자를 冠稱하는 용어(鄕歌, 鄕使, 鄕史등)들은, 그러한 고유문화가 어떠한 계기를 통해 自覺化되는가를 말해준다는 점에서 결코 경시할 수 없다. This paper is to reveal Choi Chi-won’s personal achievements, and his and other Dodang Yuhagsaeng(渡唐留學生; students studying in the Tang dynasty)’s roles, including their significance in the Silla’s Hadae(下代; the later period), cultural history in Korea, and ultimately cultural history in East Asia. The period from Goryeo’s early to middle period was an age when the sinicization took places was intensified in Goryeo, symbolized by the idea of Sojunghwa(小中華; a small China). It was originated from embracement of the Tang’s culutre through Silla’s dispatch of students from the ninth century; Choi Chi-won’s study in the Tang dynasty represents this phenomenon. Although Silla was replaced by the Goryeo dynasty in the early 10<SUP>th</SUP> century, the trend remained the same as the embracement of the Chinese culture and sinicization were intensified. On the other hand, the self-awareness of their endemic culture became strong in Goryeo until the middle of the 12<SUP>th</SUP> century, symbolized by Hyangga(鄕歌) in Silla’s Hadae, and Hyangjik(鄕職) in the early Goryeo period. It is necessary to understand that The self-awarness of their endemic culture with intensified sinicization is not a contradiction, but like two sides of the same coin. The words such as Hyangga, Hyangsa(鄕使), and Hyangsa(鄕史) included “hyang(鄕)”, the character originated from Choi Chi-won. These words are noteworthy evidences that indicate the origin of the self-awareness of endemic culture in Goryeo.

신라 진성왕대 효종랑과 화랑도

박남수 한국사학회 2018 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.132

This article aims to look into the change process of Hwarangdo(花郞徒) in the dying days of Silla. Hence, the anecdote of Hwarang Hyojong(孝宗郞) and his political advancement and the political situation in the end of Silla was examined. Additionally, the change process of Hwarangdo was also examined through the trend of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism and the change in selecting talent. As a result, it is found out that the story of poor woman supporting mother(貧女養母) in Samgukyusa(삼국유사) contains the buddhist idea of filial piety which includes the filial duty for living parents as well as praying for their parents’ gentle and easy death whereas the story of Faithful Daughter Jieun(孝女知恩) in Samguksagi(삼국사기) reflects the idea of Confucianism. The anecdote of Hwarang Hyojong implied the situation that the military system had been collapsing since the 3rd year of Queen Chin-song(眞聖王), through which it can be inferred that Silla had no enough military power in Nangdang(郎幢) as like the middle period of Silla. And King Sindeok, called King Park, who was a stepson of Kim Ye-gyeom(金乂謙), aristocrat of Jingol, could appear in the politic circle of Silla by taking his step father’s last name. On the other hand, the anecdote of Hwarang Hyojong was plotted in the trend of reviving the spirit of Hwarangdo in the beginning of Queen Chin-song. However, even though Hwarangdo was set up for selecting human resource, the role of had been existed in name only because of reinforcement of the Confucianism education and increasing importance of dispatching students to Tang. Furthermore, financial support could not be provided any more according to the fall of national economic base. Therefore, Hwarangdo got into the music of Confucianism, seclusion of Taoism and Zen. As a result of it, they could not overcome the crisis confronting Silla. 본고에서는 신라 멸망기 화랑도의 변화과정을 살피고자 하였다. 이에 효종랑의 일화와 그의 정치적 진출 및 하대의 정치과정을 살피고, 당시 유․불․선의 사조 및 인재 발굴의 변화상을 통하여 화랑도의 변화과정을 검토하였다. 그 결과 『삼국사기』 孝女知恩전이 유교적 관념을 투영한 데 대하여, 『삼국유사』 효선편의 貧女養母조는 불교의 효의 관념을 드러낸 것으로서, 부모님에 대한 생전의 효도뿐만 아니라 죽어서도 극락에 왕생하는 공덕을 짓는 것까지를 孝善으로 일컬었음을 알 수 있었다. 또한 효종랑의 일화는 진성왕 3년 이후 국가의 군사 조직이 무너진 상황에서 나타난 것으로서, 국가가 중고기처럼 郎幢에 이들 화랑도 출신을 召募兵으로 부를 만한 여력이 없었음을 살폈다. 또한 박씨왕으로 일컬어지는 神德王은 왕족이었던 진골 귀족 金乂謙의 의붓 아들로서 그의 성씨를 따름으로써 신라 정치 사회에 등장할 수 있었다. 그는 효종랑 등 균정계의 문성왕 계열의 비호를 받아 쿠데타를 성공시킴으로써 왕위에 오를 수 있었다. 한편으로 효종랑의 일화는 진성왕 초년에 화랑도의 기풍을 살리고자 하는 사조 속에서 나타난 것이었다. 그러나 유학 교육의 강화와 당나라 유학생 파견의 중요성으로 말미암아 종래 인재 선발을 목적으로 설치되었던 화랑도의 역할은 유명무실해졌다. 더욱이 국가와 귀족의 경제적 기반이 와해됨으로써 화랑도에 대한 재정적 지원을 기대할 수 없게 되었다. 이에 儒敎의 禮樂이나 道家의 隱逸, 그리고 이미 仙家的인 경향에 빠진 화랑도로서는 신라 사회에 닥친 국난을 극복할 수 없었다.

논문 : 신라(新羅) 국학(國學)의 성립(成立)과 변천(變遷)

이영호 ( Young Ho Lee ) 역사교육학회 2015 역사교육논집 Vol.57 No.-

Silla Gukhak was modeled on Gukjagam of the Tang dynasty China. Its establishment was initiated by Kim Chun-chu who had visited Tang in the 2nd year of King Jindeok(648) and observed seokjon(釋奠), a memorial ceremony, and lectures at Gukjagam. First, two of the daesa(大 舍) and two of the sa(史) were installed in yebu in the 5th year of the king(651), and then the government institution named ``Gukhak``(‘國學’) was founded in the 2nd year of King Sinmun(682), right after the unification. The foundation at that time was incomplete. In February of 686, four years later, envoys were sent to Tang to ask for Yegi(禮記) and anthologies; in November of 717, the 16th year of King Seongdeok, daegam(大監) Suchung(守忠) came back from Tang bringing a portrait of Confucius with him and placed it in Gukhak; in 747, the sixth year of King Gyeongdeok, the positions of baksa(博士) and jogyo(助敎) were installed in Gukhak and intended to operate its educational functions properly; there was also set up ``Confucius jodang``(‘孔子廟堂’). Dokseosampumgwa brought about innovative changes in recruitment system for the Silla kingdom. Some understand that dokseosampumgwa was the graduation examination of Gukhak, but its subjects were different from curriculums of Gukhak and at even lower difficulty level, which suggests that dokseosampumgwa was not only taken by Gukhak students but also by others including individual Confucian students from various classes ranging from jingol to the 4th dupum. Allegedly there was a controversy over an appointment to the position of sosu in Yanggeunhyeon the next year after dokseosampumgwa had been first practiced. The sijung of Chipsabu recommemded Jaok to the position, but the Chipsasa(執事史), one of the lowest positions, Mocho resisted that saying Jaok had not been a registered student. Accordingly it would be plausible to consider that it was widely accepted to appoint candidates from Gukhak or dokseosampumgwa as local officials and as central government officials as well. Here, it is noticeable, however, that local official positions were open to those who had studied in Tang. The number of students who studied in Tang increased sharply in the later Silla period. They decided to study in Tang Gukjagam, not in Silla Gukhak, because that would made them favored by the Silla government. The more people applied for studying in Tang, the less room was left for Gukhak graduates. At the time, administrative problems with recruitment were serious, judging from an anecdote of Nokjin, who advised sangdaedeung Chungong sick in bed with nervous breakdown of recruitment problems. In the circumstances, the status of Gukhak was low, and dokseosampumgwa was not firmly established. Any person who wanted to be a government official should study in Tang China. Meanwhile, Gukhak became important during the reign of King Gyeongmun and Heongang. In the late 9th century, there were some changes with Gukhak: it was renamed ``Gukjagam``, and Gukjahak and Taehak were founded.

新羅 國學의 成立과 變遷

이영호 역사교육학회 2015 역사교육논집 Vol.57 No.-

Silla Gukhak was modeled on Gukjagam of the Tang dynasty China. Its establishment was initiated by Kim Chun-chu who had visited Tang in the 2nd year of King Jindeok(648) and observed seokjon(釋奠), a memorial ceremony, and lectures at Gukjagam. First, two of the daesa(大舍) and two of the sa(史) were installed in yebu in the 5th year of the king(651), and then the government institution named 'Gukhak'(‘國學’) was founded in the 2nd year of King Sinmun(682), right after the unification. The foundation at that time was incomplete. In February of 686, four years later, envoys were sent to Tang to ask for Yegi(『禮記』) and anthologies; in November of 717, the 16th year of King Seongdeok, daegam(大監) Suchung(守忠) came back from Tang bringing a portrait of Confucius with him and placed it in Gukhak; in 747, the sixth year of King Gyeongdeok, the positions of baksa(博士) and jogyo(助敎) were installed in Gukhak and intended to operate its educational functions properly; there was also set up 'Confucius jodang'(‘孔子廟堂’). Dokseosampumgwa brought about innovative changes in recruitment system for the Silla kingdom. Some understand that dokseosampumgwa was the graduation examination of Gukhak, but its subjects were different from curriculums of Gukhak and at even lower difficulty level, which suggests that dokseosampumgwa was not only taken by Gukhak students but also by others including individual Confucian students from various classes ranging from jingol to the 4th dupum. Allegedly there was a controversy over an appointment to the position of sosu in Yanggeunhyeon the next year after dokseosampumgwa had been first practiced. The sijung of Chipsabu recommemded Jaok to the position, but the Chipsasa(執事史), one of the lowest positions, Mocho resisted that saying Jaok had not been a registered student. Accordingly it would be plausible to consider that it was widely accepted to appoint candidates from Gukhak or dokseosampumgwa as local officials and as central government officials as well. Here, it is noticeable, however, that local official positions were open to those who had studied in Tang. The number of students who studied in Tang increased sharply in the later Silla period. They decided to study in Tang Gukjagam, not in Silla Gukhak, because that would made them favored by the Silla government. The more people applied for studying in Tang, the less room was left for Gukhak graduates. At the time, administrative problems with recruitment were serious, judging from an anecdote of Nokjin, who advised sangdaedeung Chungong sick in bed with nervous breakdown of recruitment problems. In the circumstances, the status of Gukhak was low, and dokseosampumgwa was not firmly established. Any person who wanted to be a government official should study in Tang China. Meanwhile, Gukhak became important during the reign of King Gyeongmun and Heongang. In the late 9th century, there were some changes with Gukhak: it was renamed 'Gukjagam', and Gukjahak and Taehak were founded.

9세기 발해의 渡唐 留學과 唐의 유학생 정책

권순홍 대구대학교 다문화사회정책연구소 2022 현대사회와 다문화 Vol.12 No.2

This article serves two purposes. The first purpose is to demonstrate that the studying abroad from Balhae to Tang was concentrated in the ninth century. The direct evidence that Balhae students studied at Guozijian of Tang and the indirect evidence indicating that they were qualified Guozijian’s cadets to take imperial examination of Tang reveals that it occurred intensively in the ninth century. The second purpose is to focus on the international student policy of Tang as one of the reasons that Balhae sent students to Tang. Previous studies have pointed out only the purpose of dispatch from the perspective of Balhae, which was a channel for the acceptance of advanced cultures and a means of friendly diplomatic relations between the two. However, after the An–Shi Re\-bellion, the Tang’s Guozijian continued to decline and as financial instability continued. At this point attracting foreign students was an effective means to redirect Honglusi’s budget to Guozijian operating expenses.