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Samantha E. Russell(Samantha E. Russell ),David R. Skvarc(David R. Skvarc ),Mohammadreza Mohebbi(Mohammadreza Mohebbi ),David Camfield(David Camfield ),Linda K. Byrne(Linda K. Byrne ),Alyna Turner(Aly 대한정신약물학회 2023 CLINICAL PSYCHOPHARMACOLOGY AND NEUROSCIENCE Vol.21 No.2
Objective: N -acetylcysteine (NAC) is a novel therapeutic agent with multiple mechanisms of action in the central nervous system and a favourable side effect profile. Clinical evidence indicates that adjunctive NAC may reduce the severity of depressive symptoms in individuals with major depressive disorder (MDD). Methods: A 12-week randomised controlled trial of 2,000 mg/day adjunctive NAC for MDD found no significant improvement at the primary endpoint (week 12) but did see improvements at the post-discontinuation interview (week 16). Within the context of patient-centered treatment, mixed-methods qualitative analysis was also included to explore factors that may determine individual responses to adjunctive NAC treatment. These data were drawn, under blinded conditions, from clinician notes recorded in the case report form. Using the DSM-5 symptom profile for MDD as the initial framework, themes were developed and explored. Frequencies were compared between placebo and NAC groups. Results: Per protocol analysis of individual themes across the six interviews revealed group differences in favour of NAC for overall depressive affect, optimism, relationships and reduced functional impairment. Conclusion: This study provides further evidence for the utility of the mixed methods approach complimenting the primary findings using traditional quantitative analyses, as well as being able to capture additional, often more subtle, evidence of individual symptom-level change that reflects improvement in functional abilities in response to NAC supplementation. The use of mixed methods to explore outcomes from psychiatric studies should be considered in future to work towards improved patient-centred care and both confirm quantitative findings and generate novel hypotheses.
Russell L. Elsberry,William M. Clune,Grant Elliott,Patrick A. Harr 한국기상학회 2009 Asia-Pacific Journal of Atmospheric Sciences Vol.45 No.3
One of the objectives of the combined Tropical Cyclone Structure (TCS08) and THORPEX Pacific Asian Regional Campaign (T-PARC) field experiment during August and September 2008 was to improve understanding and prediction of western North Pacific tropical cyclone formation. One approach during TCS08 was to subjectively monitor the performance of the four global models as to whether any of the more than 50 deep convective regions labeled as TCSxxx were predicted to become a tropical depression. When a 850-mb vorticity maximum associated with the convective region could be followed in all four models, a consensus of the track forecasts to 72 h provided surprisingly good guidance for the pre-tropical cyclone seedlings and tropical depressions. An experienced analyst was able to recognize signatures in each of the models that indicate tropical cyclone formation was likely or unlikely. When all four global model forecasts were in agreement that formation was likely, high confidence could be given to the predicted scenario. This four-model consensus approach to predict tropical depression formation was most effective for the four pre-tropical cyclone seedlings that would later become typhoons, and did predict with less advance warning two seedlings that later became tropical storms. However, the global models did not consistently predict the four pre-tropical cyclone seedlings that only attained tropical depression status. The four-model consensus had a relatively small number of false alarms. Even though a three-model consensus had somewhat more false alarms, in most of the low latitude cases the lack of time continuity and a systematic decrease in consensus time to formation will make these cases relatively easy to recognize as false alarms.
China and the U.S. War on Terror
( Russell Ong ) 한국국방연구원 2006 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.18 No.2
America`s war on terror and its concomitant unilateralist tendencies in international politics have presented new foreign policy challenges for China. On one hand, the war has given China a chance to highlight its role as a responsible great power through a common undertaking to combat terrorism. It also serves as an excuse for China to crack down more forcefully on separatists in Xinjiang. On the other hand, from China`s perspective, the United States uses the war on terror as a pretext to strengthen its global hegemony in the post-Cold War era. Moreover, the ongoing hunt for terrorists has enabled the United States to enhance its presence in the key geopolitical region of Central Asia. It is argued that ultimately, for China, negative implications of the U.S. war on terror outweigh the positive ones. China also sees the United States using the war on terror to establish its military and economic presence in Central Asia, a region of geostrategic significance. China needs vast energy resources to fuel its growing economy and has invested heavily in procuring oil supplies from the region. In the quest for comprehensive national strength, China allocates high importance to economic security, which stresses having access to key mineral resources. In this sense, the U.S. presence in oil-rich Central Asia is seen in a negative light because China now faces a strong economic competitor there.
The Patterns of Party Polarization in East Asia
Russell J. Dalton,Aiji Tanaka 동아시아연구원 2007 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.7 No.2
The alignment of parties within a party system shapes the nature of electoral competition, the process of representation, and potentially the legitimacy of the system. This article describes the distribution of parties and the levels of party polarization in the party systems of East Asian democracies. We examine the publics perceptions of party positions on a Left-Right scale to map the pattern of party competition. The evidence is based on two waves of surveys from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). We describe considerable variation in the polarization of Asian party systems, which has direct implications for the clarity of party choice and the behavior of voters. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings.