「南朝鮮革命」論의 思想的 基礎와 戰略的 方針에 관한 硏究 : 특히 「3大革命力量强化」論을 中心으로

梁榮植 건국대학교 1987 論文集 Vol.25 No.1

In the course of opening new era to pursue peaceful unification, we today encounter with two th-reatening factors which by all means should be overcome. One of the factors is anti-democracy en-croaching upon our social structure, and the other is north Korea's threatening strategy designed to carry out revolution in the south. Heedless to say, we are obliged to take a proper step to overcome these threats with firm grasp of their true natures. This paper focuses on analysing north Korea's strategy of "the south Korean revolution", a th-reatening factor to the south. North Korea has net regarded the relation beween the south and the north as the one between brethren, who will be eventually reunited in conciliatory way, but the relation between "the re-volutionary forces" committed to injustice and "the counter-revolutionary forces" to justice. Strictly speaking, north Korea's call for reunifiction for Korea is nothing but lip-service and is con-sidered merely a dependent means to unify this country by instigating communist revolution in the south. In other words, north Korea's call for "reunification of fatherland" is not designed to simply unify this artificially divided country, but pursue complete communication and expedite the ultimate victory of the Korean revolution resorting to violence. North Korea's strategy of "the south Korean revolution" is bound to be systematized and developed into the framework of revolutionary line of anti-peace and nation, since the north has been recklessly stuck to violent revolution and class consciousness. Kim Il-sung advocates the consolidation of "the three kinds of revolutionary forces" as a basic st-rategy in a bid to materialize south Korean revolution. They are "the revolutionary forces of north Korea", "the revolutionary forces of south Korea" and "the international revolutionary forces". Revolutionary forces of north Korea, as a leading and a decisive forces among the three, will be-come a revolutionary base for the achievement of "south Korean revolution". The strengthening of the revolutionary forces of north Korea could be regarded as an attacking forces against the south under the pretext fo supporting the revolutionary forces of south Korea, while securing the structure of Kim Il-sung's leadership and the Workers' Party of Korea. Kim Il-sung regards the revolutionary forces of south Korea as a part of main forces and an el-ement to be consolidated with the revolutionary forces of north Korea in the course of ma-terializing Korean revolution at decisive moment. It could be taken for Kim's expression that if the nature of Marxist-Leninist revolutionary party playing a key role for the victory of the south Ko-rean revolution as an vanguard and a political counselor in revolutionary struggle can not be le-galized, he can not help but employ the tactics of underground operation. In fact, the strengthening the revolutionary forces of south Korea, an alter ego of the Workers' Party of Korea, is designed to form and command main forces of the revolution by mobilizing under-ground organization as a main element in the South, and to form a broad "Anti-U.S. United Front" to drive the U.S. forces out of south Korea by employing the tactics of United Front comprising every revolutionary element available. The Strengthening of struggle potential to carry out "People's Democratic Revolution" by instigating an anti-government massive popular uprising in the south is also taken into account. Kim Il-sung regards the international revolutionary forces as an international supporting forces for the achievement of both the south Korean revolution and the Korean revolution as a whole. With due regard to strengthening of the three kinds of revolutionary forces as a basis of north Korea's strategy of revolution in the south, entire northern half of the Korean peninsula seems to be utilized as a principal base of revolution, and it is not too much to say that the revolutionary forces of north Korea, in fact, should be regarded as an offensive weapon committed to indirect invasion of the south. The revolutionary forces of south Korea is a leading element among others and is mobilized in the invasion of south Korea as an indirect aggression forces by taking advantage of vulnerable points of our society. What is of prime importance here is to work out a countermeasures to cope with dual challenges designed in north Korea's strategy of south Korean revolution. In general, the following three countermeasures could be considered. First, we must seize exact essence and threatening factor implied in north Korea's strategy of south Korean revolution and brace up our strong will for the safeguard of freedom. Second, we must foster our military and economic powers utilized as deterent mechanism to block north Korea's direct military provocation, while solidifying our will for the safeguard of freedom through the establishment of sound national conciliation to dissipate indirect threat caused by political conflict at home. Third, we must be well prepared to cope with north Korea's plot to agitate our social order in such way as toadstool taking root in moldy by simply taking advantage of social vulnerability. Like social revolution has never set foot in any place of the world in the past contrary to Marxist idea, communist revolution would not take place in the south when individual freedom, democracy, well-being and national conciliation soundly prevail there. This is the valuable lesson we have learned from the history.

대기업집단정책의 쟁점 및 경쟁정책과의 연관성

양영식 ( Young Shik Yang ) 한국산업조직학회 2006 産業組織硏究 Vol.14 No.3

남북관계 : 남북대화의 과정을 본다 -7,4 공동성명부터 직통전화단절까지-

양영식 평화문제연구소 1984 통일한국 Vol.10 No.-

H.R.Varian 企業理論의 論理體系의 分析

梁英植 충남대학교 경영경제연구소 1987 경제논집 Vol.3 No.-

산업단지 공유경제 비즈니스모델 개발과 활성화 방안에 관한 연구

양영식,박상혁,송인방 전북대학교 동북아법연구소 2020 동북아법연구 Vol.14 No.1

공유경제 시스템은 기업과 사회 전반에 걸쳐 상용화된 비즈니스모델로 안착하는 가운데 일반 대중은 중앙통제력이 강한 플랫폼 안에서 자신이 보유한 유휴자원을 공유하거나 새로운 경제가 치를 창출하기 위한 수단으로 활용가치가 주목받고 있다. 특히, 정부나 지자체 주도하에 산업단 지 내 사회적경제조직을 수용하여 유휴자원을 공유하려는 시도는 지속해 왔으나 사회적경제 주체 간 협력의 어려움, 유휴자원의 한계, 공유비용 증가, 공유가치 창출의 한계가 노출되면서 지속적인 비즈니스 기회는 찾지 못한 실정이다. 또한, 기존 산업과 시장 격화와 일자리 충돌의 문제 그리고 공유경제 사업실행에 따르는 부작용도 발생하고 있으며, 현행법상 기존 사업자 보 호를 위한 규제장벽으로 인한 신규 사업자 진출의 어려움은 앞으로 공유경제 활성화에 커다란 저해 요인으로 작용하고 있다. 그런데도 공유경제 비즈니스는 앞으로 우리 사회의 중심이 되는 시스템으로 자리매김하고 상용화된 서비스는 지속해서 성장할 것으로 전망한다. 특히 산업단지 공유경제는 기업과 기업의 유휴자원과 협력을 통한 경제적 효율성을 창출하기에 좋은 환경을 갖는 만큼 기대효과가 크다고 할 수 있다. 따라서 본연구는 산업단지 공유경제 활성화를 위한 실증분석을 바탕으로 공유경제사업의 다 양한 문제점을 진단하고 효과적인 공유경제사업을 전개하기 위한 목적으로 사회적경제조직을 수용하는 비즈니스모델 개발과 법⋅제도적 개선방안을 제시하고자 한다. The sharing economy system is settled as a commercialized business model across companies and society. The general public is paying attention to utilization value as a means to share their own idle resources or create new economic values in a platform with strong central control. In particular, attempts to share idle resources by embracing social and economic organizations in industrial complexes under the initiative of the government or local governments have continued. However, the problems are exposed to the difficulties of cooperation between social and economic actors, the limitation of idle resources, the increase in sharing cost, and the limitation in creating shared value. In addition, the problems of the existing industry and market intensification, job conflicts, and side effects of implementing the shared economy business are also pointed out. The difficulty in providing shared economic services as a regulation for the protection of existing businesses under the current law acts as a major obstacle to the activation of the shared economy. Nevertheless, the sharing economy business is the central system of our society, and commercialized services are expected to continue to grow. In particular, it can be said that the industrial complex sharing economy has a great effect as it has a good environment to create economic efficiency through cooperation with idle resources and cooperation between companies and enterprises. Therefore, this study diagnoses various problems of the sharing economy project based on empirical analysis to promote the sharing economy of industrial complexes. In addition, it proposes a business model development and legal and institutional improvement measures to accommodate social and economic organizations to develop an effective sharing economy business.

은행업의 효율성 결정요인 분석과 제도 개혁안

양영식 ( Young Shik Yang ) 한국산업조직학회 2008 産業組織硏究 Vol.16 No.2

은행업의 정태적 효율성 격차의 핵심 요인이 1999-2004년 기간에는 기술효율성이었으나, 2005-2006년에는 규모효율성으로 이행되고 있으며, 효율성이 낮은 비우량은행의 비율이 1999-2005년 기간에 꾸준한 감소 추세를 보이다가 2006년 증가세로 반전되었다. 2003-2005년 기간에 은행업 전체의 효율성은 증가하였으며, 기술효율성이 규모효율성보다 일관적으로 높은 증가율을 나타냈다. 그러나, 단위노동비용 증가가 동태적 효율성을 잠식하였을 뿐만 아니라 정태적 효율성의 증가까지도 압도함으로써 총요소생산성은 감소하였다. 2001년 이후에 추진된 합병과 지주회사로의 통합은 대체적으로 효율성을 낮추는 경향이 있었다. 은행업 제도 개혁 방안으로, 2개 대형은행의 규모효율성 제고, 3개 저효율은행의 기술효율성 제고, 합병과 금융지주회사로의 통합의 선별적 추진, 금융기술혁신의 촉진 및 단위노동비용 증가 통제를 위한 제도적 장치의 확립을 제시하였다. This paper analyzed the efficiency of Korean commercial banking by measuring various efficiency scores and malmquist total factor productivity change indices(MPI) by means of input-oriented data envelopment analysis(DEA). The Core results of the analysis and their implication for banking reforms are as follows. The main factor of efficiency differentials among commercial banks was technical efficiency during the period of 1999-2004, but it shifted to scale efficiency during the period of 2005-2006. And the ratio of banks with efficiency below mean of technical efficiencies or scale efficiencies, to total banks has decreased steadily during the period of 1999-2005, but has increased during the period of 2005-2006. The overall banking efficiency has improved during the period of 2003-2005. The technical efficiency has increased more rapidly than the scale efficiency. Meanwhile total factor productivity has decreased due to the increase in unit labor cost that exceeded the technological change plus the efficiency increase. Largely mergers and consolidations by holding company that were accomplished since 2001 tended to decrease efficiencies. The implications of the above efficiency analysis for banking reforms are to improve the scale efficiency of two over-sized bank, to enhance the technical efficiency of three low-efficient banks, to control mergers and consolidations by holding company whose main motive is strengthening the competitiveness by increasing market power, and to establish the institutional mechanism to promote financial innovations while to control unit labor cost.

주식회사법의 경제학적 분석과 회사제도의 개혁안

양영식 충남대학교 경상대학 경영경제연구소 2003 경영경제연구 Vol.26 No.1

본고는 주식회사법의 경제이론적 기초 개념을 제시하고, 주주총회와 이사회에 관한 규정을 중심으로 주식회사법의 구조를 살펴본 후, 소수주주의 권익보호와 유한책임을 보완하는 제도를 중심으로 주식회사법의 쟁점을 다룬다. 그리고 이러한 논의를 토대로 회사제도의 개혁방안을 모색한다. 개혁안의 기조는 경영의 투명성을 확보하는 데 두어야 하며, 한국이 지향하여야 할 모델이 주주자본주의(shareholder capitalism)이어야 하는지, 이해관계자자본주의(stakeholder capitalism)이어야 하는지 논란이 있으나, 주주에 의한 경영자 통제가 한국의 회사제도의 중심과제라는 시각에서 이해관계자자본주의를 지향하는 것은 시기상조임을 지적한다. 아울러 소수주주에 대한 보호를 강화하고 이사회의 독립성, 전문성, 책임성을 제고하며 기관투자가와 은행의 경영 자율성을 확보하는 것이 회사통치구조 개선의 중요한 관건이 됨을 밝혔다.

대덕연구개발특구의 관련 법령과 발전 전략의 문제점

양영식 충남대학교 경영경제연구소 2006 경영경제연구 Vol.29 No.2

공정거래법 체계와 경쟁제한행위 시정의 논점

양영식(Young Shik Yang) 충남대학교 경영경제연구소 2011 경영경제연구 Vol.33 No.2

공정거래법의 핵심적 실체규정의 체계를 규제 대상을 기준으로 분석하고 법 체계의 문제점과 기업결합·공동행위 규제 조항의 문제점을 지적하였다. 그리고, 최근의 기업결합 심결 사례와 공동행위 심결 사례를 검토하여 기업결합 심결 사례에 대하여 문제점을 지적하고 공동행위 법적용상의 쟁점을 논의하였다. 끝으로, 1970년대 이후의 미국의 독점금지정책의 전반적 흐름의 변화와 공동행위 규제에 대한 신산업조직론의 함의를 바탕으로 기업결합 규제와 공동행위 규제를 중심으로 하는 경쟁정책 운용의 방향을 제시하였다. The framework of core substantive clauses of ‘Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act’ was analysed to be composed of three categories of clauses providing control toward market structure, market conduct and large business groups. It was argued that among three categories only first two clauses are connected to competition policy. And some problems in clauses providing control toward M&A and collusive actions were indicated. Also some issues of decisions by Korea FTC on the recent cases of M&A and collusive actions were raised. Finally future courses of competition policy were suggested on the basis of the issues raised above, the recent overall changes in U. S. antitrust policy and the implications of new industrial organization theory.

[시론] "대북정책 기상도를 바꿔라"

양영식 평화문제연구소 2011 통일한국 Vol.335 No.-