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EAST ASIA AND THE UNITED STATES.RECENT IMPROVEMENTS AND OUTLOOK
Robert Sutter 통일연구원 2002 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.11 No.1
East Asia remains beset by numerous difficult issues ranging from regional hot spots in the Taiwan Strait and the Korean peninsula, to economic difficulties in Japan and broader policy drift in Indonesia. The region is full of strategic uncertainty and economic and political change. The results include pervasive hedging by regional powers; most governments are using more diversified diplomacy, military preparations and other means to insure their particular interests will be safeguarded, especially in case the regional situation should change for the worse. While generally recognizing the need to conform to international economic norms, East Asian governments also seek to block or slow perceived adverse consequences of economic globalization, seen as supported by the United States, and they seek greater cooperation with similarly affected governments in and outside the region. Politically, regional governments are inclined to oppose the US and other outside pressure for political rights and democracy that come at the expense of national sovereignty and stability. Trends in the region and US policy toward the region also are likely to be affected by major turmoil caused by such imminent dangers as another large-scale terrorist attack on America, a war possibly involving nuclear weapons between India and Pakistan, escalating Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or a US military attack against Iraq. US economic power could decline with the turndown in the US stock market and the weakening of the dollar. Despite these challenges, this article argues that recent US policy has served to reinforce the US position as the region’s preferred security guarantor and economic partner. Other circumstances, notably the US-led war on terrorism and the preoccupation of East Asian leaders with domestic issues, have strengthened the US leading position in East Asia and allowed for a generally positive outlook in US-East Asian relations for the rest of the Bush administration. East Asia remains beset by numerous difficult issues ranging from regional hot spots in the Taiwan Strait and the Korean peninsula, to economic difficulties in Japan and broader policy drift in Indonesia. The region is full of strategic uncertainty and economic and political change. The results include pervasive hedging by regional powers; most governments are using more diversified diplomacy, military preparations and other means to insure their particular interests will be safeguarded, especially in case the regional situation should change for the worse. While generally recognizing the need to conform to international economic norms, East Asian governments also seek to block or slow perceived adverse consequences of economic globalization, seen as supported by the United States, and they seek greater cooperation with similarly affected governments in and outside the region. Politically, regional governments are inclined to oppose the US and other outside pressure for political rights and democracy that come at the expense of national sovereignty and stability. Trends in the region and US policy toward the region also are likely to be affected by major turmoil caused by such imminent dangers as another large-scale terrorist attack on America, a war possibly involving nuclear weapons between India and Pakistan, escalating Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or a US military attack against Iraq. US economic power could decline with the turndown in the US stock market and the weakening of the dollar. Despite these challenges, this article argues that recent US policy has served to reinforce the US position as the region’s preferred security guarantor and economic partner. Other circumstances, notably the US-led war on terrorism and the preoccupation of East Asian leaders with domestic issues, have strengthened the US leading position in East Asia and allowed for a generally positive outlook in US-East Asian relations for the rest of the Bush administration.
US Turn against China, 2020 Elections, Implications for South Korea
Robert Sutter 제주평화연구원 2020 Jeju Forum Journal Vol.2 No.-
The American government’s broad ranging efforts targeting an array of challenges to US interests posed by the policies and behavior of the Chinese government developed through close collaboration between the Trump administration and both Democrats and Republicans in the Congress. Emerging erratically in the first year of the Trump administration in late 2017, the US government’s hardening against China later demonstrated momentum in gaining greater support in the United States. It reached a high point during the heat of the 2020 presidential election campaign as the most important foreign policy issue in the campaign. South Korea has shown more angst over its vulnerability to negative fallout from the growing US-China rivalry than any other regional power. South Korea is very exposed and has few good options for dealing with the intensifying US-China rivalry. Prevailing assumptions are that a tough US policy toward China will continue in 2021 and strong Chinese retaliation will follow South Korean moves to align with the United States in the rivalry with China.
( Mette W Klinge ),( Nanna Sutter ),( Esben B Mark ),( Anne-mette Haase ),( Per Borghammer ),( Vincent Schlageter ),( Sten Lund ),( Jesper Fleischer ),( Karoline Knudsen ),( Asbjørn M Drewes ),( Klaus 대한소화기기능성질환·운동학회(구 대한소화관운동학회) 2021 Journal of Neurogastroenterology and Motility (JNM Vol.27 No.3
Background/Aims Patients with diabetes mellitus (DM) often suffer from gastrointestinal (GI) symptoms, but these correlate poorly to established objective GI motility measures. Our aim is to perform a detailed evaluation of potential measures of gastric and small intestinal motility in patients with DM type 1 and severe GI symptoms. Methods Twenty patients with DM and 20 healthy controls (HCs) were included. GI motility was examined with a 3-dimensional-Transit capsule, while organ volumes were determined by CT scans. Results Patients with DM and HCs did not differ with regard to median gastric contraction frequency (DM: 3.0 contractions/minute [interquartile range {IQR}, 2.9-3.0]; HCs: 2.9 [IQR, 2.8-3.1]; P = 0.725), amplitude of gastric contractions (DM: 9 mm [IQR, 8-11]; HCs: 11 mm (IQR, 9-12); P = 0.151) or fasting volume of the stomach wall (DM: 149 ㎤ [IQR, 112-187]; HCs: 132 ㎤ [IQR, 107-154]; P = 0.121). Median gastric emptying time was prolonged in patients (DM: 3.3 hours [IQR, 2.6-4.6]; HCs: 2.4 hours [IQR, 1.8-2.7]; P = 0.002). No difference was found in small intestinal transit time (DM: 5 hours [IQR, 3.7-5.6]; HCs: 4.8 hours [IQR, 3.9-6.0]; P = 0.883). However, patients with DM had significantly larger volume of the small intestinal wall (DM: 623 ㎤ [IQR, 487-766]; HCs: 478 ㎤ [IQR, 393-589]; P = 0.003). Among patients, 13 (68%) had small intestinal wall volume and 9 (50%) had gastric emptying time above the upper 95% percentile of HCs. Conclusion In our study, gastric emptying time and volume of the small intestinal wall appeared to be the best objective measures in patients with DM type 1 and symptoms and gastroenteropathy. (J Neurogastroenterol Motil 2021;27:390-399)