Palatalization and Affrication

Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2000 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.6 No.1

Hong, Soonhyun. 2000. Palatalization and Affrication. Studies In Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 6.1, 159-179. In the literature on Korean phonology, it has been reported that coronal consonants excluding dental /t/ and postalveolar /c/, undergo allophonic palatalization before a front high vocoid whereas /t/ undergoes phonemic palatalization to [c] at a suffixal boundary without undergoing allophonic palatalization. According to this report, only /t/ before tautomorphemic /i/ abnormally undergoes neither phonemic nor allophonic palatalization. Contrary to this observation, Kiparsky 1993 newly reports for Korean that all coronals including affricate /c/ and stop /t/ undergo allophonic palatalization and the /c/ which is derived from /t/ at a suffixal boundary also undergoes allophonic palatalization. This paper shows why the traditional analysis of palatalization is problematic and why Kiparsky's observation is on the right track. (Inha University)

Output-oriented t and s in English Ioanwords in Korean

Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2001 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.7 No.1

Hong, Soonhyun. 2001. Output-oriented t and s in English loanwords in Korean. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 7.1, 243-263. When. English words are borrowed into Korean, native suffixal elements are concatenated and as a result, the resulting surface string consists of a loanword followed by a native suffix, e.g. [syuph?mak?es-e] 'supennarket-at'. English word-final [t] before a vowel-initial suffix surfaces as [s]. On the other hand, English word-final [s] blindly surfaces as [si], e.g. [k?isi] 'kiss' and [k?isi-e] 'kiss-at', in the loanwords regardless of a following suffix. In the surface-oriented Optimality Theory, Kang 1999 proposes that the loanword and native portions of the string are not processed or evaluated simultaneously and serial derivation or multiple levels should be considered for the analysis. However, we will demonstrate that the ""surface-level only"" Optimality Theory can explain how the [t] and [s] of input English words are realized in the output loanwords, while keeping the original parallelism and ""surface-level-only"" concepts of Optimality Theory. (Inha University)

Pattern recognition modeling of American English vowel identification by four different identification-proficiency levels of Korean listeners

Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2016 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.22 No.1

It has been recently reported through pattern recognition or synthesized vowel perception studies that American English listeners categorize vowels using dynamic spectral properties and duration rather than static spectral properties only (Hillenbrand et al. 1995, Hillenbrand 2013). However, Hong (2015) showed through pattern recognition modeling that Korean listeners used static spectral properties and duration when identifying English vowels. The present study extended Hong (2015) and built a logistic regression classification model to investigate which acoustic cues (static or dynamic spectral features, duration or F0) four different identification-proficiency levels of 133 Korean listeners may use to identify American English monophthongs in /hVd/ syllables. It turned out that the two upper-level groups of Korean listeners used dynamic spectral properties and duration just like American English listeners, whereas the other two lower-level groups used static spectral properties and duration.

Licensing and Default Implication of Korean [lat] in OT

Hong, Soonhyun 서울대학교 어학연구소 1998 語學硏究 Vol.34 No.2

In this paper, we show that different surface forms realized from underlying /l/ are positional variables which crucially depend on syllable structure. We will first demonstrate that [lateral] must be "non-crisply" right aligned with a syllable in the sense of Ito^, Mester & Padgett (1994), as argued in Hong (1997a). However, we will further show that Alignment (Hong 1997a) and Syllable Contact (Davis & Shin 1997) are not enough for successful analysis of Nasal Lateralization in /nl/ and /ln/. For successful analysis, we stick to "non-crisp" Alignment constraint for [lateral] as in Hong (1997a), but we introduce the notion of Default implication in Optimality Theory. Ito^, Mester and Padgett (1995) explain Voicing in Japanese NC clusters by implementing Licensing and Redundancy of the feature [voice] in OT. This paper demonstrates that a similar effect can be achieved in the analysis of Korean Nasal Lateralization by implementing a Licensing and Default implication of [lateral].

Output-oriented Sonorants in Korean

Soonhyun Hong 현대문법학회 2001 현대문법연구 Vol.24 No.-

Korean input /l/ is realized differently on the output: either [l], [r], or [n]. Input /n/ is realized differently on the surface, being crucially affected by a neighboring /l/. In this paper, we are going to show that the surface realizations of the input coronal sonorants /l/ and /n/ crucially depend on syllable structure, the Feature Geometry, and geminate structure. We will demonstrate that surface realizations of input /l/ may be correctly predicted even without triggering the controversial issue of whether or not the coda position in Korean is weighted. In addition, we observe that regressive lateral assimilation is consistently blocked across a word edge, though bi-directional lateral assimilation is observed elsewhere. We try to explain these phenomena in the framework of Optimality Theory.

Vowel inherent spectral properties characterized in Korean and American English talkers’ English vowel signals

Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2016 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.22 No.3

Hillenbrand et al. (1995) showed in a pattern recognition modeling study of American English listeners’ vowel perception that American English vowel signals are characterized by dynamic spectral properties, and that American English listeners’ vowel perception can be modeled best with American English vowel inherent dynamic spectral properties. The present study, on the other hand, investigated the production side of the vowel inherent spectral properties of American English talkers’ and Korean talkers’ English vowel signals, by fitting four different production-based pattern recognition classification models (K-Nearest Neighbors, Random Forests, Support Vector Machine and Logistic Regression) directly to American English and Korean talkers’ English vowel signals. The results showed that American English talkers’ vowel signals were best characterized by dynamic spectral properties but Korean talkers’ English vowel signals by static spectral properties.

Phonotactic Restrictions in Korean Prosody

Soonhyun Hong 한국영미어문학회 2002 영미어문학 Vol.- No.65

A Special Status of the Morpheme-initial [h] in Korean

Soonhyun Hong 한국언어과학회 2005 언어과학 Vol.12 No.3

A Conspiracy in Native Korean [n]-Insertion

Soonhyun Hong 현대문법학회 2002 현대문법연구 Vol.28 No.-

Native Korean [n]-Insertion has been analyzed both in rule-based and Optimality Theoretical frameworks (Han 1994a, b; Cho 1995 and references therein). In this paper, we show that there is a conspiracy among constraints to trigger [n]-Insertion. We implement the conspiracy for [n]-Insertion in the framework of Optimality Theory, which has not been clearly articulated in in previous analyses. The proposed analysis is different from other analyses in that the proposed set of constraints for [n]-Insertion is more general and explanatory than previous analyses using a language-specific single OT constraint in Cho (1995) and using a single complex rule in Han (1994a, b).

Systematic centralized reduction at the offset of Korean monophthong signals in spontaneous speech

Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 2020 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.26 No.3

The present paper reports the observation that the signals of all Korean monophthong types in spontaneous speech are characterized by a unique spectral pattern over the temporal domain. Over the course of production, Korean monophthong signals showed quite stable F1/F2 frequencies from 20% to 50% of vowel duration, but drastically moved toward the center of the acoustic vowel space from 50% to 80% of vowel duration. This unique spectral pattern was shared by signals of all monophthong types produced by both males and females. It was also found that centralized vowel reduction at the offset was more frequent in shorter signals than longer ones. The unique spectral centralization locally at the offset in Korean signals did not pattern together with reports in the literature that across-the-board articulatory undershoot occurs in the entire temporal domain of vowel signals in English and French.