The European Green Deal and the Prospects of a “Just Transition”to Carbon Neutrality from a Rawlsian Perspective

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국유럽학회 2024 유럽연구 Vol.42 No.1

This article examines the European Green Deal (EGD) from the perspective of John Rawls’ theory of justice. It starts with an overview over the main features of the EGD, which was adopted by the European Union (EU) in 2019 in order to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. The study then gives an outline of the relevant elements of Rawls’ theory of justice and explains its relationship with notions of environmental justice. This particularly concerns the principles of justice introduced by Rawls such as the principle of equal basic liberties, the difference principle, the just savings principle, and the principle of fair equality of opportunity. These principles form the basis for the examination of the EGD. The analysis of the EGD concentrates on three dimensions of justice: intragenerational justice, intergenerational justice, and global justice. It was found that the EGD does not conform to any of the three types of justice in the Rawlsian sense. For each of these types of justice there are important elements missing in the EGD that would have to be present in it for it to constitute a framework for a just policy from a Rawlsian point of view.

Die Entwicklung der Parteiensysteme in den neuen Bundesländern nach der deutschen Vereinigung

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한독사회과학회 2010 한독사회과학논총 Vol.20 No.4

Der Artikel analysiert die Entwicklung der Parteiensysteme und Parteien in den fünf neuen Ländern der Bundesrepublik Deutschland nach der Vereinigung der beiden deutschen Staaten. Dabei stützt er sich vor allem auf die von Alan Ware entwickelte Typologie von Parteiensystemen, in welcher die Zahl der in einem Parlament vertretenen Parteien von besonderer Bedeutung ist. Die Parteiensysteme der neuen Länder werden in ihrer Entwicklung während der letzten zwanzig Jahre betrachtet und entsprechend den Merkmalen klassifiziert, die in der Analyse herausgearbeitet werden können. Diese Systeme werden hinsichtlich einzelner Aspekte wie der Zahl der Parteien, der Volatilität und der Asymmetrie nicht nur untereinander verglichen, sondern auch mit den Parteiensystemen in den Ländern der alten Bundesrepublik und mit historischen Vorläufern auf nationaler Ebene, wie dem westdeutschen Bundestag. Weiterhin nimmt der Artikel das Abschneiden der einzelnen Parteien bei Landtagswahlen in den ostdeutschen Bundesländern in den Blick und geht auf die Gründe für deren Erfolge und Misserfolge ein. Allgemeine Trends werden umrissen, und in einer abschließenden Bewertung wird die zu erwartende weitere Entwicklung der Parteiensysteme angesprochen.

Postfaktische Zeiten. Die populistische Zurichtung der Wirklichkeit

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한독사회과학회 2017 한독사회과학논총 Vol.27 No.4

This paper explores the relationship between the rising populism in Western countries and the increase of incorrect or misleading news in media, especially social media. First, this paper attempts to explain the concepts of populism and right-wing populism. This is based on the theoretical approaches of Mudde and Kaltwasser, Albertazzi and McDonnell, Priester, and Muller. Populism is understood as an ideology at the core of which are the “people” as main category. It argues that the “people” must be defended against a corrupt elite. Populists pose as the only legitimate representatives of the people, who are imagined as a homogenous entity. This study assumes that there have been extensive changes in the relationship between truth and reality and that they have much to do with strong use of social media such as Facebook and Twitter by populists. It allows populists to communicate directly with the users of social networks. They do no longer need television and radio to communicate with their followers. Their ideal is direct communication with the mass public that results in a transformation of the abstract mass into a concrete mass. In respect to the discussion on what to do about fake news this paper takes a position against any legal regulation. It would be more desirable to focus on education to improve the media competence of media users. Der Artikel untersucht den Zusammenhang zwischen dem aufkommenden Populismus in den Ländern des Westens und der Zunahme von falschen oder irreführenden Nachrichten in den Medien, insbesondere den sozialen Medien. Zunächst wird das Verständnis dargelegt, dass dieser Artikel von den Begriffen Populismus und Rechtspopulismus hat. Dabei stützt sich diese Studie vor allem auf Theorien von Mudde und Kaltwasser, Albertazzi und McDonnell, Priester und Müller. Populismus wird als Ideologie verstanden, deren zentrale Kategorie das „Volk“ ist, das der Populismus behauptet, gegen eine korrupte Elite verteidigen zu müssen. Er erhebt einen exklusiven Anspruch auf die Vertretung des „Volkes“, das er als homogene Einheit mit einem einheitlichen Willen vorstellt. Diese Studie geht weiterhin davon aus, dass es eine weitreichende Veränderung im Verständnis von Wahrheit und Realität gegeben hat und dass diese Veränderung viel mit der starken Nutzung sozialer Medien wie Facebook und Twitter durch Populisten zu tun hat. Populisten können über soziale Netzwerke direkt zu den mit ihnen verbundenen Nutzern dieser Netzwerke sprechen. Intermediäre Medien wie Fernsehen und Radio werden von Populisten für die Kommunikation mit ihren Followern nicht mehr gebraucht. Ihr Ideal ist die direkte Kommunikation mit der Masse, die dadurch eine Transformation von der abstrakten zur konkreten Masse erfährt. In der Diskussion darüber, was gegen Fake News unternommen werden kann, stellt der Artikel sich gegen eine gesetzliche Regelung. Vielmehr setzt er auf Bildung, die zu einer Erhöhung der Medienkompetenz unter den Mediennutzern führen sollte.

Japans langer Abschied vom Pazifismus.* Die japanische Sicherheitspolitik und ihre Rolle in der Veränderung der Sicherheitslage Ostasiens

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한독사회과학회 2013 한독사회과학논총 Vol.23 No.4

Artikel 9 der japanischen Verfassung und die Wirklichkeit der japanischen Sicherheitspolitik stehen in einem starken Kontrast. Während die pazifistische Verfassung dem Land jede Beteiligung an Operationen verbietet, die über die Verteidigung des japanischen Territoriums hinausgeht, sind die japanischen Selbstverteidigungskräfte international längst in eine Vielzahl von friedenserhaltenden Maßnahmen involviert. Die japanische Politik hat sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten über einige der Grenzen hinweggesetzt, die ihr im Bereich der Sicherheitspolitik rechtlich gesteckt sind, und die militärischen Kompetenzen des Landes graduell immer weiter ausgedehnt. Der Artikel zeichnet die rechtlichen Einschränkungen dieser Politik nach und untersucht die politischen Maßnahmen, mit denen diese Beschränkungen in Japan unterlaufen worden sind. Er beleuchtet die innenpolitischen Faktoren, wie den sich verstärkenden Nationalismus in Japan und den damit verbundenen Unwillen, sich der einer Aufarbeitung der japanischen Vergangenheit zu stellen; und er untersucht die externen, internationalen Faktoren, die zu den Revisionen der japanischen Sicherheitpolitik beigetragen haben. In diesem Zusammenhang wird das sicherheitspolitische Verhältnis Japans zu China, Südkorea, Nordkorea und den USA näher beleuchtet. Wobei sich ein besonderer Fokus auf die Funktion richtet, die Territorialstreitigkeit, wie die um die Insel Dokdo/Takeshima mit Südkorea oder Senkaku/Diaoyu mit China, im japanischen Sicherheitsansatz haben. Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt der Studie liegt auf der Untersuchung der sicherheitpolitischen Positionen der gegenwärtigen Regierung von Ministerpräsident Shinzo Abe, die substantielle Änderungen der Sicherheitpolitik befürwortet und dabei in einen Normalisierungsdiskurs verstrickt ist, der die Revision dieser Politik mit einem geschichtsrevisionistischen Blick auf die imperialistische Vergangenheit Japans verbindet. Der Artikel kommt zu dem Schluss, dass Japan sich auf dem Kurs zu einer Remilitarisierung seiner Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik befindet; und er unterstreicht die Bedeutung vertrauensbildender Maßnahmen in der gegenwärtigen Situation.

Ordoliberalism as Early Ideational Influence on European Economic Integration

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국외국어대학교 글로벌정치연구소 2020 글로벌정치연구 Vol.13 No.1

Ordoliberalism was the socio-economic theory which guided economic developments in Germany and the establishment of its social market economy after the Second World War. There is some evidence that ordoliberal principles also influenced the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC). This study investigates how far ordoliberal notions informed the establishment and further development of the EEC. This especially concerns the creation of a legal-institutional framework for the EEC, at the center of which is competition law, and the low salience of social policy for the project of European integration.

The Making of the European Periphery : A Critical Analysis of the Discourse on the Euro Crisis

Havertz Ralf Arnold 21세기정치학회 2014 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.24 No.3

Many articles have been written about the euro crisis and its effects on thecountries of the European south, particularly on Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece. Some of these texts identify a division of the euro area into a wealthy north and apoor south. They refer to the north as the European centre and to the south as theEuropean periphery. This study uses the methods of critical discourse analysis toexamine the language that is used in texts on the euro crisis. It particularly focuseson the dichotomic terms centre and periphery and analyzes how they are used in therespective publications. In doing so, this study also refers to world-systems theoryand dependency theory in which these terms are well-established concepts. Theanalysis shows that the language used in articles on the euro crisis is everythingbut consistent. Despite the frequent use of the terms centre and periphery, thereappears to be no generally accepted understanding of their meaning, not to speak ofa definition. In accordance with world-systems theory, this study suggests that itwould be more accurate and therefore preferable to refer to the European south assemiperiphery.

South Korea in the eyes of the German newspaper“Süddeutsche Zeitung”

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한독사회과학회 2015 한독사회과학논총 Vol.25 No.1

This study examines the coverage of South Korea in the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) in the time period between 1997 and 2014. The paper is one of the media of record in Germany. The goal of the study is to find out if there is a general tendency in the reporting about the country and if there are any mistakes in the representation of the country. The analysis makes use of quantitative and qualitative methods. This involves the investigation of the frequency of reports in different fields such as politics, economy, and culture. It has been found that there are specific fields which the SZ emphasizes when reporting on South Korea. Its authors primarily write about the politics and the economy of the country. The qualitative research, especially, focuses on the content analysis of individual articles which involves the analysis of media frames and of agenda-setting. The culture of the country, particularly its movie industry, has been of increasing importance in the last ten years. The study found that only few articles were biased. In this regard the findings of this study differ from the results of former studies which found a rather strong negative bias in the reporting of western media on the country. The large majority of articles in the SZ were balanced and based on a deep knowledge of the country, its politics, economy, and culture.

The Constitution of Europe and Supranational Democracy: Jürgen Habermas’s Vision of the European Union

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국외국어대학교 EU연구소 2021 EU연구 Vol.- No.58

The Treaty of Lisbon has advanced European integration and brought about many institutional changes. But to the eminent German philosopher Jürgen Habermas it is a process that has stalled halfway and which is threatened to be reversed or remain unfinished due to forces of globalization and re-nationalization that pull into different directions. Since the 1990s, Habermas was among those most vocal in support of a European Constitution. In many of his works Habermas focused on the question how European integration can be designed in order to establish a supranational democracy without creating a federal state and provide the project of the EU with the highest possible level of legitimacy. The article investigates the individual elements which Habermas deemed necessary to secure that legitimacy. This involves a number of concepts that are central to Habermas’s thinking on Europe: “constitutional patriotism,” the “double sovereign,” the “European public sphere,” and a “Europe of different speeds.” This study analyzes the meaning which these concepts have in Habermas’s approach and it gives a broad overview over the critical responses to his ideas on Europe and the debate on the future of Europe which was initiated by Habermas. It concludes with the finding that Habermas may be overly optimistic about the prospects of a further federalization and democratization of the EU.

The Image of South Korea in the German Newspaper Berliner Zeitung, 1945-2014

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국유럽학회 2015 유럽연구 Vol.33 No.4

This study is focused on the examination of the reports which Berliner Zeitung published on South Korea in the years 1945 to 2014. The goal of this research is to determine what image of South Korea Berliner Zeitung created for its readers. Which were the dominant topics and in what fields, politics, economy, culture and so on, were the respective articles published? Were the articles on South Korea primarily written by authors employed by the newspaper or were most of them adopted from news agencies? The study is also interested in the types of articles that were published in Berliner Zeitung. It attempts to find out whether there was a specific tendency in the reporting on South Korea and if there were any significant changes in that tendency. For the latter a content analysis had to be conducted, with a frame analysis at its center. The study found that most articles were published on political issues. During the time of the GDR (1949-1990) the large majority of the articles had a negative tone. This changed after German reunification when articles became more objective and primarily neutral. The study also found that articles became much more diverse after 1990. While before 1990 almost all articles were written on political issues, after 1990, the economy, culture, and society of South Korea attracted more attention of Berliner Zeitung.

Supranationalism and Interdependence as Guarantors of Peace in Europe: The Case of the European Coal and Steel Community

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국외국어대학교 글로벌정치연구소 2019 글로벌정치연구 Vol.12 No.1

The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) was based on a French initiative. Jean Monnet and Robert Schuman were the crucial figures in putting forward a plan that would result in the integration of the production of coal and steel in the six founding members states of the ECSC: France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, The Netherlands, and Luxembourg. This first significant step in European integration was based on a functionalist approach with the goal of spawning further integration of Europe into a federation. The key innovation of the ECSC was the introduction of a supranational institution: The High Authority, which was given independent powers to control the production of coal and steel and facilitate economic competition in the integrated area based on the anti-trust powers it was provided with. Supranationalism creates a new level of governance above the level of states. It focuses on cooperation and tends to create a structure of interdependence in which individual international actors can gain more from cooperation than competition. It provides them with an incentive to focus more on absolute gains than on relative gains. This study holds that supranationalism is the key development brought about by the ECSC without which the peaceful integration of former enemies would have been much more difficult, if not impossible.