Remarks on Structural Case Particles in Korean

최기용(Kiyong Choi) 한국생성문법학회 2005 생성문법연구 Vol.15 No.1

There are two opposing views on the status of Structural Case (SC) particles in Korean. One view claims that the particle has its own lexical meaning which is usually discourse-related. The other holds just the opposite and claims that the particle is a realization of Case which is uninterpretable. In this article, I show that all arguments presented in Ko (2002) for the former view do not hold. Noting that the widely-held view that an SC particle corresponds to a D runs counter to the latter view, I also show that such a view cannot be correct. Finally, I suggest an alternative structure, in which an SC particle is not allotted any structural position in narrow syntax.

‘시키-’ 사동 소고: ‘시키-’의 통합 분석

최기용(Choi, Kiyong) 한국생성문법학회 2020 생성문법연구 Vol.30 No.3

It has been observed that there are two variants of sikhi- causatives in Korean: argument adding and argument non-adding. In this squib, we claim that sikhi- in the two variants share the following two properties: (i) they assign a Causer theta-role, and (ii) they require a result event as their complement. This claim is supported by a passive analysis of the argument non-adding variant, for which we present three pieces of evidence. Finally, we present a GB-style implementation of the passive analysis based on Choi (2009, 2017, 2018a, b).

한국어의 “명사+조사” 구성의 구조

최기용(Choi Kiyong) 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.3

  A popular view on the structure of an N+P(article) sequence in Korean is that a P forms a syntactic head. To see whether this view can be maintained, I examine the three subclasses of a P: a Structural Case (SC) particle, a Semantic Case (SemC) particle and a delimiter (Del). I first argue that an SC particle cannot be a syntactic head such as a D(eterminer), given that it is a morphological realization of abstract Case in Korean. Adapting Y.-H. Kim (1999), I then argue that there are two different types of a SemC particle. One, being a realization of theta roles assigned by a predicate, forms a base-generated X?-adjunction structure together with a preceding N, which means that a sequence of N+P eventually forms an NP or a DP, but not a PP (Postpositional Phrase). The other, having its own lexical meaning, forms a PP. Finally, following K. Choi (1996), I claim that a sequence of N+Del forms a base-generated X?-adjunction structure.

모바일 기기의 전력 측정을 위한 휴대용 시스템

최기용(Kiyong Choi),이정원(Jung-Won Lee) 한국정보과학회 2014 정보과학회 컴퓨팅의 실제 논문지 Vol.20 No.3

모바일 상황인지 기술의 확산을 위해 모바일 기기의 효율적인 전력 사용이 요구되고 있다. 효율적인 전력 사용을 위해서는 모바일 기기가 사용하는 전력의 정확한 측정과 분석이 필수적이다. 그러나 기존의 모바일 기기 전력 측정 및 분석은 실제 동작환경인 이동 중 상황에 대해 고려하지 못하여왔다. 본 연구에서는 기존 측정 방식 도구들을 9가지 항목으로 비교하여 모바일 기기를 위한 포터블 전력 측정 및 분석에서의 요구사항을 도출하였고, 요구사항을 반영한 설계에 따라 임베디드 시스템 PPAM(portable power measurement and analysis tools)을 개발하였다. PPAM을 이용하여 모바일 기기의 GPS, WiFi, 가속도 센서모듈 전력을 측정하였으며, 기존의 방법과는 달리 실시간으로 이동 중인 상황에도 기기의 전력사용을 센서별로 정확히 측정할 수 있었다. 또한 각각의 모듈은 동작 상태에 따라 전력 소모가 다르기 때문에 상태별로 분석하여 모듈의 사용에 따른 단위 전력을 구할 수 있었다. It is required to use device"s power efficiently for mobile context-aware technology to be widely used. The accurate measurement and analysis of the amount of power consumption is essential to use power efficiently. However, the existing methods for the power measurement and analysis of mobile device don"t have considered the operating environment with real-time context which is generated by mobility. Therefore, we extracted the requirements for portable power measurement and analysis by comparing the existing methods based on 9 criteria and developed an embedded system (called PPAM: portable power measurement and analysis tools) according to the requirements. Using the PPAM, we conducted measuring and analyzing the amount of power consumption of GPS, WiFi, and acceleration sensor module. The result shows that the power consumption of the mobile device can be measured accurately according to sensors on the move. It also shows that we can get the amount of power consumption of individual sensors per unit time by differentiating them according to the operating states.

한국어에서 형용사 구하기

최기용(Choi, Kiyong) 한국생성문법학회 2019 생성문법연구 Vol.29 No.2

Despite the standard assumption that Korean has a category of Adj(ective), it has been repeatedly pointed out that traditional criteria distinguishing Adj from V(erb) in Korean are not solid. Furthermore Kim (2002) and Yeo (2004a, 2005) explicitly argue that Adj is absent in Korean. In this squib, I present one new piece of evidence for the existence of the Adjective category in Korean. I also claim that the arguments for the absence of Adj in Korean in Kim (2002) and Yeo(2004a, 2005) either weaken or lose ground. If this proposal is on the right track, it implies that Korean and English are the same in having a category of Adj and the differences regarding the syntactic and semantic properties of Adj in both languages stem from the difference in its morphological property: An English Adj is [free], while a Korean Adj is[bound].

On the so - called Copular Construction in Korean

Kiyong Choi(최기용) 사단법인 한국언어학회 1993 언어학 Vol.0 No.15

UTAH와 공존하는 반례의 성격: 한국어 대격 피동문의 경우

최기용(Choi, Kiyong) 한국생성문법학회 2017 생성문법연구 Vol.27 No.1

In this paper, I first show that the adversative passive and the lexical accusative passive in Korean constitute genuine counterexamples to the UTAH in Baker (1988, 1997). Given that the systematic correspondence between lexical semantics and syntactic structure captured in terms of the UTAH might be the result of the bare output condition imposed by the C-I, the co-existence of the UTAH and its counterexamples would remain a mystery. As a solution to the mystery, I propose that the co-existence itself is possible or available since Merge is in principle optional and is possible between any syntactic objects. If this proposal is in the right direction, it shows that the Minimalist framework is valid and that Merge is a true syntactic mechanism irreducible to any interface system.

Minimalist Interpretation of the Case Filter

Kiyong Choi(최기용) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2000 언어학 Vol.0 No.26

한국어의 ‘나’, ‘자신’ 그리고 ‘나 자신’

최기용(Kiyong Choi) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2015 언어학 Vol.0 No.71

This article addresses the question of how na ‘I’, casin ‘self’, and na casin ‘I myself’ differ from one another in Korean. I argue that na, a 1st person pronoun in Korean, does not have a bound-variable reading unlike its English counterpart and that such a reading is expressed by casin. This explains why a local binding of na is acceptable in a sentence such as nayka naleul kkocipeossta, which has a coreference reading. It also explains why a sentence such as nayka casineul kkocipeossta, which has a bound-variable reading, is good. The former is not subject to Binding Condition B, while the latter satisfies Binding Condition B. As for na casin, I show that it does not have a bound-variable reading, which implies that a local binding of na casin basically has a coreference reading and that na functions as heads. However, I show that truth-conditions for a sentence containing na casin differ from those for a sentence containing na. Following Choi (2014), I claim that the difference arises due to reflexivity enforced by a covert head-movement of casin.

한국어 수량사 구성의 구조와 의미 : 비속격형을 중심으로

최기용 서울대학교 어학연구소 2001 語學硏究 Vol.37 No.3

This article investigates the structure and interpretation of non-genitive numeral classifier (NC) constructions in Korean, of which there are three types: (a) the N(oun)-Case type of the form [Noun-Case + Numeral + Classifier], (b) the Cl(assifier)-Case type of the form [Noun + Numeral + Classifier-Case], and (c) the double Case type of the form [Noun-Case + Numeral +Classifier-Case]. First, it claims that the Cl-Case type differs in interpretation from the N-Case type and the double Case type, which share the same interpretation. Specifically, the former has an individual-denoting interpretation while the latter has a quantity-denoting interpretation. Second, adopting Li's (1998) proposal on the structural difference between quantity-denoting expressions in Mandarin Chinese, it claims that the Cl-Case type is a DP which has a null D as its head, while the N-Case type and the double Case type are an NP. Third, regarding internal structure, the paper claims that a nominal expression in the Cl-Case type, as an N^0, forms a base-generated X^0-adjunction structure together with a numeral and a classifier. In contrast, a nominal expression in the N-Case and double Case types is claimed to be a DP-complement of a numeral. Five pieces of evidence supporting this difference in internal structure are presented. Fourth, a numeral and a classifier are claimed to form a base-generated X^0-adjunction structure where the numeral is a head, contra most previous studies such as Shi (2000). Finally, the paper compares the above claims with those of previous studies on the non-genitive NC constructions, discusses the function and structural status of a numeral-classifier in the N-Case type, and proposes that both the difference between the N-Case type and the double Case type regarding the separability of a nominal expression from a numeral-classifier and the subject-object asymmetry in the N-Case type regarding the separability of a nominal expression can be accounted for by Hong's (1994) generalization on case marker deletion in Korean.