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이강한 진단학회 2010 진단학보 Vol.- No.109
There are a lot of things unknown about what actually happened to the Goryeo national shrine in the dynasty's latter half period, and especially in the 14th century. Yet it seems like there was a significant scale of renovation done to the national shrine, marking a stark departure from how it originally had been. King Chungseon-wang is renowned for bringing in a new element, a series of 'flank chambers', in order to maintain the original number of individual chambers('9') while reducing the number of Myo figures from '7' to '5'. By doing so he restored the original features of the national shrine of the early days of the Goryeo dynasty. And while also embracing advanced foreign discussions regarding national shrine operations and incorporating all those new theories into the design of the Goryeo national shrine, he also implemented two sets of principles regarding national shrine operations, namely applying the ‘Do'gung Byeoljeon' system to the seat arrangements of the 5 designated 'Myo' figures, and maintaining the ‘Dongdang Ih'shil' system in seat arrangements of the flank chambers. We can see that new theories were only implemented to the former's arrangements, and the flank chambers were maintained unaffected, continuing to serve the Goryeo government's own needs and agendas. Such internal system was also maintained afterwards. During the reign of king Chungsuk-wang the So/Mok order inside the shrine became a topic of hot debate, and such discussions were triggered by the suggestion of an official named Jo Ryeom. As king Chungseon-wang died and it became necessary to rearrange the seats inside the shrine to make room for the newcoming tablet of Chungseon-wang, he suggested to add other functions to the flank chambers, and most importantly he suggested that the internal seat arrangements of the flank chambers be changed, and essentially be reversed. Such suggestion was to inevitably neutralize the original intentions behind Chungseon- wang's new design of the Goryeo shrine, so Chungsuk-wang rejected it, and the internal system established by Chungseon-wang prevailed. Such characteristic of the Goryeo national shrine was maintained during the reign of king Gongmin-wang as well, and was even applied to the Special Shrine(Byeolmyo), which was meant to enshrine the tablets that had been removed from the national shrine. We can see that from Yi Je Hyeon's discussions of the 22 tablets' seat arrangement inside the Special Shrine. From all the renovations made to the Goryeo national shrine, the changes it went through and the principles that were maintained in the process, we can see that the Goryeo kings, who were all well versed in foreign(Yuan) institutions and culture, and who were eager to apply and incorporate them into their own governance of the Goryeo society, also managed to merge it with their own understanding of the original and traditional practices and principles of the Goryeo dynasty, in terms of the operations of the Goryeo national shrine. 14세기 고려 태묘제도의 변천과 관련해 알려진 바는 그리 많지 않다. 종래의 연구는 대체로 5묘 9실제의 형성, 7묘 9실제로의 변화, 그리고 이후 무신집권기와 몽골침공기의 태묘 붕괴상에 주목해 왔다. 그러나 더욱 중요한 변화가 충선왕대 이래 전개되었음이 확인된다. 충선왕은 원과의 관계를 고려해 태묘의 묘수를 5묘로 줄이면서도, ‘夾室’을 도입해 총 9실을 만듦으로써 고려전기 덕종대의 태묘제 원형(5묘9실제)을 복구하였다. 그러나 그는 한편으로, 당시 원내에서 진행되고 있던 태묘제 정비 상황 및 거론되던 최신 논의 또한 수용해 태묘제 운영을 전반적으로 보완하고자 하였다. 이에 그는 ‘都宮別殿之制’를 수용, 태조의 ‘中室’ 배치 관례 및 ‘1국왕 1廟’ 원칙 등에 근거해 寢園 5廟를 배치하되, 자신이 새로 도입한 夾室들은 不遷之主의 西夾室 배치 등에서도 엿볼 수 있듯이 (이전 고려 태묘내 廟室 배치에서 견지돼 온) 同堂異室制的 운영을 지속하였다. 이러한 이원적 구성은 원의 태묘제 논의사항을 고려 태묘제에 접목하면서도, 고려 태묘 내부의 전통적 모습 또한 유지하기 위해 선택되었다. 그러한 이원적 구성은 이후에도 견지되었다. 충숙왕대에 접어들어 태묘내 昭穆의 方位 문제가 중요한 논란의 대상으로 떠올랐는데, 관료 趙廉은 충숙왕에게, 충선왕의 祔廟를 계기로 협실의 기능을 확대하고, 무엇보다도 협실 내부의 배치를 바꿀 것을 건의하였다. 이러한 건의는 본질적으로 5묘에 적용되던 신위배치 방식을 협실에까지 연장 적용함으로써, 충선왕이 확립한 고려 태묘제 내의 독특한 이원적 구성을 무효화하는 맥락의 것이었다고 할 수 있다. 충숙왕은 고려 태묘 나름의 고유성이 침훼될 것을 염려해 이를 거부하였고, 그 결과 고려 태묘의 이원적 구성도 견지되었다. 그리고 이때 온존된 고려 태묘제도의 이원적 구성은 이후의 別廟 논의에도 영향을 미쳤다. 공민왕대 이제현은 별묘 내 22릉의 배치문제를 논하면서 도궁별전제도와 동당이실제도가 공존하게끔 별묘를 설계함으로써, 충선왕, 충숙왕 이래의 태묘내 이원적 구성을 별묘에까지 확대 적용하였다. 이러한 고려 태묘 내부의 고유한 운영원리는 충선왕이 고안하였고 충숙왕이 보전하였으며 공민왕이 확대하였다. 당시 국왕들이 하나의 제도에 고려‧원 양국의 영향과 체례를 혼용하였음을 14세기전·중반 고려 태묘제도의 정비 과정을 통해 살펴볼 수 있다.
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고려 충숙왕대 인사정책 연구: 재추의 관직겸임 양상을 중심으로
이강한 역사학회 2019 역사학보 Vol.0 No.244
King Chungsuk-wang of Goryeo(1313-1330; 1332-1339) probably went through the most difficult experiences, compared to other Goryeo kings of the 14th century. Since his enthronement in 1313 he remained under control of the former king (his father), and around 1320, when he was finally ready to rule the country by himself he was suddenly called to and detained in the Imperial capital for five years. Before that and also later on, he was continuously harassed by his political enemies who either wanted to replace him with the Shim lord Wang Goh, or replace the Jeongdong Haengseong provincial government with a new one to monitor Goryeo more closely. Due to such circumstances, people today remember his reign as a long but unfruitful one, mired by the king’s own incompetence and lack of care for his subject’s wellbeing. In this article, his personnel appointments, the king’s ultimate way of governing, are examined to verify his sincerity and conviction. Examination of how he controlled the powerful Jaeshin and Miljik figures, in terms of what kind of posts of the Three Ministries, the Gamchalsa(Saheonbu) Monitor office and the Samsa Expenditure Committee he provided them with, reveals that for nearly thirty years, king Chungsuk managed to reduce their power one by one, raised the autonomous nature of the monitoring office, and use the Samsa office to support his own policy stance. These aspects urge us to reexamine the legacy of Chungsuk, to have a better understanding of the political intricacies and policy details of his reign. 충숙왕(1313-1330; 1332-1339)은 13-14세기 고려 국왕 중 정치적 시련을 가장 많이 겪은 경우라 할 수 있다. 즉위 직후에는 부왕 충선왕의 영향력에서 벗어나지 못했고, 1320년을 전후해 친정을 시작한 이후에는 원제국을 방문했다가 북경에 억류당했다. 심왕옹립 세력 및 입성운동파 세력의 정치적 공격에 시달렸고, 내부적으로는 정치, 경제적 혼란을 마주하였다. 그 결과 재위기간이 상당히 길었음에도 불구하고 눈에 띄는 업적은 적었으며, 이에 당대의 정치적 문란함을 방치한 무능력한 군주로 오랜 동안 여겨져 왔다. 본고에서는 과연 그가 능력과 의지를 결여한, 즉 역사적 비판을 받아 마땅한 군주에 불과했는지의 여부를 그의 인사정책을 통해 살펴보고자 하였다. 정부운영에 대한 그의 정책적 입장을 살피기 위해 당시 그가 재신과 밀직으로 하여금 3부, 사헌부 및 삼사의 관직들을 어떻게 겸임시켰는지를 살펴보았다. 검토 결과, 30여년에 이르는 재위기간 동안 그는 험난한 정치지형 속에서도 재신과 밀직들의 권력을 꾸준히 제한해 갔음이 관찰된다. 재신이 극도의 반왕적 성향을 노출하고 밀직은 견제가 필요할 정도로 그 위상이 향상된 상황에서, 그에 효과적으로 대처하는 동시에 충선왕의 가혹한 재정세입책을 철회하기 위해, 새로운 인사를 전개한 결과로 판단된다. 1321년 이래 1320년대말까지 재신직을 보유한 선대 측근들을 견제하기 위해 재신들의 6부직 겸임 폭을 줄이고, 그 와중에 6부와 관련해 권한이 비대해진 밀직들에게는 삼사사 직 겸임을 불허했으며, 복위 후 사망할 때까지 밀직의 6부직 겸임, 재신의 삼사직 겸임까지도 중단하여, 재추와 6부, 재추와 삼사의 ‘격절’을 단계적으로 강화하였다. 아울러 재추의 감찰대부(대사헌) 겸임도 줄여 나감으로써 감찰기구의 중립성을 강화하였다. 향후의 연구에서 충숙왕대 국정의 이런 면모에 대한 추가 검토가 이뤄지길 기대해 본다.
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이강한 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2010 한국문화 Vol.50 No.-
King Chungsuk-wang, in the proclamation he issued in 1325 right after his return from prior detention in Yuan, emphasized the importance of ‘changing the atmosphere and rectifying the conventions of the country.’ By doing so he implied that he was planning to implement a series of administrative reforms based upon foreign institutions, to overhaul the overall governance of the country. And as a methodic approach, he examined the renovations that were being made to the national system of memorial services of the Mongol Yuan empire. He eventually decided to apply two of the most noticeable policy agendas that were being pursued in the Yuan renovations, which was the reinforcement of (a) Confucius worshipping and (b) Ancient Holy Emperors’ commemoration, to his own efforts of redesigning and revitalizing the Goryeo culture. Such effort led to a reevaluation of the “Gi’ja” figure, and reactivation of national rituals designed to honor him whose contribution to the development of the Korean people had been deemed incalculable, in terms of his providing of Confucian teachings and the overall construction of the Korean culture. His decision to restart the memorial services for Gi'ja in 1325, was to essentially realign the Goryeo culture, by further developing the people’s understanding of Neo-Confucian practices in Goryeo, and also by reinforcing the general public’s historical perspective viewing their own culture, under the name of honoring and commemorating Gi'ja. It was essentially ‘using’ foreign methods displayed in Yuan empire’s own modification of its national system of memorial services, in re-emphasizing the image of one of the most popular Korean characters. Chungsuk-wang’s efforts also enabled people in the following periods (the reign of Gongmin-wang for example) to continue such honoring as well. Chungsuk-wang’s father(Chungseon-wang) had earlier restored Goryeo’s past conventions, such as the governmental system, the national shrine and the overall taxation system, on the basis of his own understanding of China’s past institutions and culture(‘舊制·古制’).’ Chungsuk-wang’s efforts were not so different from such previous effort. His examination of the Yuan imperial memorial service system enabled him to pick up several important agendas and priorities, and enabled him to use them in a Goryeo-specific way, in a way which would produce a favorable outcome for the Goryeo people, in terms of preservation and re-exploring of their own heritage. This whole Gi’ja issue of the Chungsuk-wang era makes us reevaluate our preconceptions of the time. With more than a hundred years to coexist with the Mongol Yuan empire, the Goryeo people must have developed a perspective that viewed the Mongols not only as adversaries and oppressors but also as counterparts who could sometimes provide insights and opportunities for new kinds of exchanges. The resuming of the Gi’ja memorial service in 1325 clearly exhibits such possibilities.
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