Remembering Goryeo, a Dynasty that was Open to the Sea

이강한 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2019 THE REVIEW OF KOREAN STUDIES Vol.22 No.1

모순에 관한 소고

이강조(李康助) 대한철학회 1972 哲學硏究 Vol.15 No.-

Hegel의 자기의식의 논리

이강조(李康助) 대한철학회 1980 哲學硏究 Vol.30,31 No.-

Hegel에 있어서 의식의 변증법에 관하여

이강조(李康助) 대한철학회 1978 哲學硏究 Vol.26 No.-

14세기 高麗 太廟의 혁신과 변천

이강한 진단학회 2010 진단학보 Vol.- No.109

There are a lot of things unknown about what actually happened to the Goryeo national shrine in the dynasty's latter half period, and especially in the 14th century. Yet it seems like there was a significant scale of renovation done to the national shrine, marking a stark departure from how it originally had been. King Chungseon-wang is renowned for bringing in a new element, a series of 'flank chambers', in order to maintain the original number of individual chambers('9') while reducing the number of Myo figures from '7' to '5'. By doing so he restored the original features of the national shrine of the early days of the Goryeo dynasty. And while also embracing advanced foreign discussions regarding national shrine operations and incorporating all those new theories into the design of the Goryeo national shrine, he also implemented two sets of principles regarding national shrine operations, namely applying the ‘Do'gung Byeoljeon' system to the seat arrangements of the 5 designated 'Myo' figures, and maintaining the ‘Dongdang Ih'shil' system in seat arrangements of the flank chambers. We can see that new theories were only implemented to the former's arrangements, and the flank chambers were maintained unaffected, continuing to serve the Goryeo government's own needs and agendas. Such internal system was also maintained afterwards. During the reign of king Chungsuk-wang the So/Mok order inside the shrine became a topic of hot debate, and such discussions were triggered by the suggestion of an official named Jo Ryeom. As king Chungseon-wang died and it became necessary to rearrange the seats inside the shrine to make room for the newcoming tablet of Chungseon-wang, he suggested to add other functions to the flank chambers, and most importantly he suggested that the internal seat arrangements of the flank chambers be changed, and essentially be reversed. Such suggestion was to inevitably neutralize the original intentions behind Chungseon- wang's new design of the Goryeo shrine, so Chungsuk-wang rejected it, and the internal system established by Chungseon-wang prevailed. Such characteristic of the Goryeo national shrine was maintained during the reign of king Gongmin-wang as well, and was even applied to the Special Shrine(Byeolmyo), which was meant to enshrine the tablets that had been removed from the national shrine. We can see that from Yi Je Hyeon's discussions of the 22 tablets' seat arrangement inside the Special Shrine. From all the renovations made to the Goryeo national shrine, the changes it went through and the principles that were maintained in the process, we can see that the Goryeo kings, who were all well versed in foreign(Yuan) institutions and culture, and who were eager to apply and incorporate them into their own governance of the Goryeo society, also managed to merge it with their own understanding of the original and traditional practices and principles of the Goryeo dynasty, in terms of the operations of the Goryeo national shrine. 14세기 고려 태묘제도의 변천과 관련해 알려진 바는 그리 많지 않다. 종래의 연구는 대체로 5묘 9실제의 형성, 7묘 9실제로의 변화, 그리고 이후 무신집권기와 몽골침공기의 태묘 붕괴상에 주목해 왔다. 그러나 더욱 중요한 변화가 충선왕대 이래 전개되었음이 확인된다. 충선왕은 원과의 관계를 고려해 태묘의 묘수를 5묘로 줄이면서도, ‘夾室’을 도입해 총 9실을 만듦으로써 고려전기 덕종대의 태묘제 원형(5묘9실제)을 복구하였다. 그러나 그는 한편으로, 당시 원내에서 진행되고 있던 태묘제 정비 상황 및 거론되던 최신 논의 또한 수용해 태묘제 운영을 전반적으로 보완하고자 하였다. 이에 그는 ‘都宮別殿之制’를 수용, 태조의 ‘中室’ 배치 관례 및 ‘1국왕 1廟’ 원칙 등에 근거해 寢園 5廟를 배치하되, 자신이 새로 도입한 夾室들은 不遷之主의 西夾室 배치 등에서도 엿볼 수 있듯이 (이전 고려 태묘내 廟室 배치에서 견지돼 온) 同堂異室制的 운영을 지속하였다. 이러한 이원적 구성은 원의 태묘제 논의사항을 고려 태묘제에 접목하면서도, 고려 태묘 내부의 전통적 모습 또한 유지하기 위해 선택되었다. 그러한 이원적 구성은 이후에도 견지되었다. 충숙왕대에 접어들어 태묘내 昭穆의 方位 문제가 중요한 논란의 대상으로 떠올랐는데, 관료 趙廉은 충숙왕에게, 충선왕의 祔廟를 계기로 협실의 기능을 확대하고, 무엇보다도 협실 내부의 배치를 바꿀 것을 건의하였다. 이러한 건의는 본질적으로 5묘에 적용되던 신위배치 방식을 협실에까지 연장 적용함으로써, 충선왕이 확립한 고려 태묘제 내의 독특한 이원적 구성을 무효화하는 맥락의 것이었다고 할 수 있다. 충숙왕은 고려 태묘 나름의 고유성이 침훼될 것을 염려해 이를 거부하였고, 그 결과 고려 태묘의 이원적 구성도 견지되었다. 그리고 이때 온존된 고려 태묘제도의 이원적 구성은 이후의 別廟 논의에도 영향을 미쳤다. 공민왕대 이제현은 별묘 내 22릉의 배치문제를 논하면서 도궁별전제도와 동당이실제도가 공존하게끔 별묘를 설계함으로써, 충선왕, 충숙왕 이래의 태묘내 이원적 구성을 별묘에까지 확대 적용하였다. 이러한 고려 태묘 내부의 고유한 운영원리는 충선왕이 고안하였고 충숙왕이 보전하였으며 공민왕이 확대하였다. 당시 국왕들이 하나의 제도에 고려‧원 양국의 영향과 체례를 혼용하였음을 14세기전·중반 고려 태묘제도의 정비 과정을 통해 살펴볼 수 있다.

고려 충선왕대의 관직운용 양상 연구 - 충렬왕대와의 비교 검토 -

이강한(李康漢) 한국역사연구회 2019 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.113

Both Kings Chung’ryeol and Chungseon had Jaeshin and Miljik dignitaries man posts inside the traditional Six “Bu” Ministries(“Yukbu”), the “Eosadae” Monitor office and the “Samsa” office (in charge of financial spending). By having them assume those posts in a specific manner, they tried to run their governments in their own ways. But there were some problems in king Chung’ryeol’s way of linking individual offices with either Jaeshin or Miljik figures. And king Chungseon apparently wanted to fix some of those problems, as he positioned human resources in a fashion different from his own father’s. King Chungseon wanted to expand the group of Jaeshin figures who were allowed to man high-ranking Six ministerial posts (the Advisory “Pansa” post and the Resident “Sangseo” post), from only the first and second Jaeshin figures (as it had been during king Chung’ryeol’s days) to middle and even junior ones, while also broadening the range of Miljik figures from junior and mid-level ones to high-ranking senior ones. This move on Chungseon’s part allowed both the Jaeshin and Miljik figures to increase their influence in the operations of the ‘Bu’ Ministries, but at the same time the Ministries as well were able to reinforce their status and voice in dynastic governing, with [more diverse] Jaeshin figures and [more high-ranking] Miljik figures newly helming the ministries. In the meantime, Chungseon decided not to allow Jaeshin figures to man either the advisory Chief Monitor(Eosadae [called ‘Gamchalsa’ these days] Pansa) seat [except the First Jaeshin] or the resident Head Monitor(Gamchal Daebu) seat, and refrained from appointing junior Miljik figures to the Gamchal Daebu (which was also called Daesaheon some times) seat as well, with the intention of further ensuring autonomous control of the Eosadae (named Saheonbu at the time) office itself. While doing so, he still allowed higher level of Miljik figures to assume the post of resident Head Monitor(Eosa Daebu/Daesaheon), in order to maintain necessary amount of power and influence required by the office to do its original job, monitoring and prosecuting. And in running the Samsa office, Chungseon had both mid-level Jaeshin and Miljik figures to man the resident Head commissioner(Samsa-sa) seat in several occasions. Evidently, he must have reasoned that in the appointment of seats in that office, alternating between Jaeshin and Miljik figures would enable both of them to place their counterparts in check, and prevent the other party from wielding too much power, in deliberations concerning financial spending. All these agendas featured in king Chungseon’s positioning of human resources inside the Goryeo government may have caused inconveniences, discomfort and even dissension among governmental officials. And that may have had something to do with the negative portrayal of king Chungseon’s political governance in Goryeo-sa and other records.

상상의 공동체에 대한 해석-영화<웰컴 투 동막골>의 시선으로 바라본 소설 『邊城』에 대한 斷想

이강인(李康仁) 동북아시아문화학회 2014 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.38

Horizontal relationship between soldiers and village people shown in the movie <Welcome to Dongmakgol> enabled us to discover director’s will to pursue an invisible imagined community through the movie and the village is forming a place of communication for the general public who dream a new world for an ethnic group through it. Also, the novel 『BianCheng』 shows pure and simple appearance of Miaozu(苗族) by forming an ideal world named ‘chatong(茶?): tea village’ as a manifestation of author‘s patriotism, expressing the author’s will to recover invisible horizontal relationship throughout the war-torn China jumping over Xi?ngx?(湘西) area. Evaluating him simply as a revivalist, purist or pacifist is no more than a very glimpse evaluation of his world of art works. Shen congwen‘s will to pursue such an imagined community introduced in this thesis is not reflected in a variety of evaluations on his work. Thus, this thesis inquired into the possibility of his will toward an imagined ethnic community by comparing through a Korean movie.

고려후기 군제(軍制)의 변화상 연구: 만호(萬戶) 및 외관(外官)과의 관계를 중심으로

이강한 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2016 한국문화 Vol.75 No.-

In the 13th and 14th centuries, the Goryeo military system displayed some peculiar aspects. Weonsu and Jihwi-sa commanders, the Sunmun-sa administrators and Byeongma-sa officials were named and dispatched. The first two had been sporadically appointed since the early years of the Goryeo period and also surfaced sometimes in the 13th century. The Sunmun-sa figures first appeared in early 13th century and continued to be dispatched throughout the remainder of the dynasty. The Byeongma-sa figures were the ones that had been most utilized in Goryeo’s first three hundred years, but their appearances started to decline in the late 13th century. In short, in the first and second halves of the 13th century, some of the military leaders were appointed rather frequently while others were dispatched not that much. Yet they shared one trend: They all suddenly vanished from official records in the first half of the 14th century. Then, coming into the second half of the 14th century a rather interesting phenomenon started to form. After the year of 1356, all these four figures resumed their appearances in a rather explosive fashion. And most importantly, Weonsu, Jihwi-sa and Sunmun-sa entities started to appear ‘coupled’ with a unique counterpart: the Manho(-bu) figures which had been being installed by the Goryeo government since 1358. These “Goryeo Manho(-bu)” figures inherited a rather specific “local” quality from their earlier incarnations, which had been installed in Goryeo in the late 13th and early 14th centuries by no other than the Mongol Yuan empire. It was a quality that resembled that of ordinary local administrative offices. As a result, these Goryeo Manho(-bu) figures came to function as essentially semi-local administrative units. And through their linkage with their counterparts(Weonsu, Jihwi-sa, Sunmun-sa), the Goryeo Manho (-bu) units began to transmit such quality over to them. Infused with such rather new qualities, the Goryeo military officials began to display functions that were usually demonstrated only by the local administrative officials. They were dispatched to serve local capacities, and showed increased interactions with local officials. Both military commanders and military administrators continued to operate that way, making it less and less necessary for them to be appointed separately (as one being named as either Weonsu or Sunmun-sa) as they had been. As a result, all these Goryeo military leaders, especially the commanders (Weonsu) and administrators (Sunmun-sa), started to merge with each other, as we can see from quite notable examples of them being ‘coupled’ and then assigned to a single official, who was expected to serve both duties at the same time. Later, such coupling of military responsibilities was finally officialized through the launch of a brand new Jeolje-sa institution in 1389. What should be noted is the fact that all these new-style local military officials were officially granted with the jurisdiction to intervene and oversee ‘civilian’ administrative matters –which had been under the direct authority of the local officials only- as well. It effectively brought down the wall that traditionally existed between military business and civilian governing in Goryeo local communities. We can see that the Manho(-bu) institution, which was an adopted institution and not to mention quite foreign in nature, served as an unlikely and unexpected catalyst that triggered such important changes to proceed, within two major areas of Goryeo domestic governance: the military system and the local administrative structure.

서평 : 원(元),명(明) 교체를 바라보는 교려인들의 시선, 그리고 행동 -김순자, 『한국중세 한중관계사』, 혜안, 2007-

이강한 한국중세사학회 2009 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.26

Combination of anti-PD-1 therapy and stereotactic radiosurgery for a gastric cancer patient

이강한,안민주,이경화,김진웅,김인영,배우균 대한내과학회 2017 대한내과학회 추계학술대회 Vol.2017 No.1