회암사(檜巖寺) 수조명분(修造名分)의 변화와 종교적 해법의 유사구조 - 자장(慈藏)의 영향을 중심으로 -

염중섭,Youm, Jung-Seop 한국건축역사학회 2014 건축역사연구 Vol.23 No.3

The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水).' But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

불국사(佛國寺) 청운교(靑雲橋).백운교(白雲橋)의 순서 고찰

염중섭,Youm, Jung-Seop 한국건축역사학회 2008 건축역사연구 Vol.17 No.2

In the book of <Ancient and New Creation of Bulguksa Temple>, it is recorded that the names of ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine were Cheongwoongyo(blue cloud bridge) and Baekwoongyo(white cloud bridge) and the names of stairs to the paradise hall were Yeonwhagyo(lotus bridge) and Chilbogyo(seven treasure bridge). But, the ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine and the paradise hall are single consecutive stairs with 2 levels respectively. Because of this, it is rather hard to clearly designate the names to the upper level and the lower level stairs. But, of the stairs to the Paradise hall, the lower stairs have a carving of lotus, and the upper stairs have seven stairs. In this aspect of artifacts, we can safely assume that the upper stairs are Chilbogyo and the lower are Yeonwhagyo. But, for the ingressive stairs to the main shrine, there is no such artificial hint. So, it is difficult to designate the upper and the lower stairs for the two bridges. Especially, it is not clear whether the descriptive order of "lower stairs upper stairs" in the names of Yeonwhagyo and Chilbogyo can be applied to the names of stairs to the main shrine. It is because the general descriptive order is "upper lower" rather than "lower upper." Even though there have been many studies on the Bulguksa temple, the study on the ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine has not made till now. Therefore, the study on the position of Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo stairs can have its validity. In this paper, the positional approach to Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo has been made in following aspects: First, the temple structure of Bulguksa; Second, the five element theory of oriental philosophy and the Book of Changes; Third, the directional consciousness of Buddhism. Through the aspects, the validity of up-down position of Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo has been sought. In this research, it can be concluded that the upper level of ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine of Bulguksa is Cheongwoongyo and the lower level is Baekwoongyo. When considered in the Buddhist directional consciousness, it forms the total structure of "East-Cheongwoongyo South- Baekwoongyo West-Yeonwhagyo North-Chilbogyo."

불국사(佛國寺) 진입(進入) 석조계단(石造階段)의 공간분할적(空間分割的) 의미(意味)

염중섭,Youm, Jung-Seop 한국건축역사학회 2007 건축역사연구 Vol.16 No.4

Bulguk Temple, one of the national temples, sublimated the high formalism and symbolism into lovely art, and thus be called the pinnacle of Korean architecture. Of many characteristic structures of Bulguk Temple, the stone stereobate and stairs have a great importance in that we can read out the purpose of the architect through their relics. Especially, the stone stairs are noteworthy for they structuralize the intentional space division. The objects of this observation are Yeonwhagyo and Chilbogyo bridges at the entrance of Keungnakjeon precinct, and Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo stairs at the entrance of Daewoongjun precinct. All these relics are the structures that divide the precinct areas on the basis of Buddhist theory and have strong symbolic meanings as well. Although the diverse studies have made on the structures, there are many insufficient aspects for the manifestation of the meanings. In this study, I considered the Buddhist dogmatic meanings of the structures in the formalistic view of the Buddhist architecture. The study was proceeded in the way that the establishments of former studies were fully reflected in it. Through the study, I could confirm that the objects of consideration have the double formalistic meanings and they are strongly structuralizing the symbolism.

석가탑(釋迦塔)과 다보탑(多寶塔)의 명칭적인 타당성 검토

염중섭,Youm, Jung-Seop 한국건축역사학회 2010 건축역사연구 Vol.19 No.4

The names of Seokgatab and Dabotab are almost generalized among the people along with Bulguksa the most well-known temple in Korea. But, despite this generalized situation, the names of Seokgatab and Dabotab have not secured the clear standpoint till now. It is because the names of Seokgatab and Dabotab can be found only in the 18C documents like <Bulguksa History> and <Ancient and Present Bulguksa>. More complicatedly, in the record of the Goryeo sarira case found during the dismantling of Seokgatab, the name of Seokgatab was 'Mugujeonggwangtab' or 'Seoseoktab'. This paper is to secure the nominal validity of Seokgatab and Dabotab to remove the confusion due to their names and to raise the efficiency of studies related with Bulguksa in the future. First, their names and the problems related with them were summarized in Chapter 2. Based on this critical consciousness, Chapter 3 deals with the tragedy of Asadal related with the creation of the stone pagodas and its symbolic re-interpretation. In this process, we can see that there could be a viewpoint of the great comprehension in them through the completion of 'the Buddhist Nation'. Then, the architectural features of Seokgatab and Dabotab were analyzed in the ritual view point of <Gyeonbotabpum>. Finally, in Chapter 4, on the basis that the viewpoint of one specific sect can not be predominantly applied in the construction of Buddhist land, it is held that Avatamsaka Idea and Saddharma-pundarika Idea can coexist without any conflict. It is shown in the fact that Seokgatab and Dabotab can make harmony together in the Avatamsaka Idea while keeping their names. With these efforts, we can clearly see that the peculiar titles of Seokgatab and Dabotab can be said to secure sufficient validity.

가람배치(伽藍配置)의 내원(來源)과 중국적 전개양상 고찰

염중섭,Youm, Jung-Seop 한국건축역사학회 2010 건축역사연구 Vol.19 No.2

In that the Buddhism is the religion founded by Buddha, the settlement of Buddha's existence is very important in the temple building arrangement which symbolizes the Buddha's world. What symbolizes the Buddha in the temple are the pagoda and the Buddhist image. Among them, the Buddhist image is directly connected with the Golden Hall. This kind of double structure is settled as a typical pattern for the arrangement of buildings such as halls and pagodas. The earlier one between the pagoda and Buddhist image is the pagoda, of course. It can be inferred that, through the gradual expansion of the Buddhist images, the gravity was transferred from the pagoda to the Golden Hall. But, if the Buddhist image can be connected with the Golden Hall in that it was the product reflecting the requests on the Buddha and his teaching, the internal origin of the Buddhist image should also go back to the early Buddhism. In fact, the gravest building in Venuvana - vihara or Jetavana - anaehapindasyarama was the Golden Hall, the Buddha's residence. And in the summit of Grdhrakuta or Jetavana - anaehapindasyarama where Buddha stayed long, there is the gandha - kuti the Buddha's place till now. It means that the symbolic request on the Buddha and his teaching had existed even before the Buddhist image and that this tendency could be connected with the generation of Buddhist image. This paper is to show that the hall / pagoda structure generalized in the building arrangement of later age was originated not just from the Buddhist image and the sarira pagoda but from the gandha - kuti and the hair pagoda, and therefore the two should coexist inevitably. It is an attempt to develop a little more in the ideological perspective the general theory that the pagoda and the Buddhist image were fused into one precinct of temple later in their respective origins. That is, it tries to recognize the relation of pagoda and hall not as the conflicting one but as the complementary one.

석가탑(釋迦塔)의 경전적인 건립시점 고찰 - "견보탑품(見寶塔品)"의 내포의미를 중심으로 -

염중섭,Youm, Jung-Seop 한국건축역사학회 2010 건축역사연구 Vol.19 No.6

Seokgatap and Dabotap are representing the tower patterns in "Gyeonbotappum" of the Lotus Sutra. It is very peculiar, for the description on "Gyeonbotappum" is usually made in terms of 'the two Buddhas sitting side by side'. If 'the two Buddhas sitting side by side' is describing the situation in Dabotap, the double structure of Seokgatap and Dabotap can be said to symbolize the scriptural description in a different viewpoint. Its correct comprehension is pretty important in understanding Bulguksa. For this, this paper first arranged the critical minds and flows about the faith objects in Indian Buddhism. And, it was considered how these aspects were accumulated through Saddharma-pundarika sutra. Secondly, it was considered why "Gyeonbotappum" took the typical symbolism in Saddharma-pundarika sutra(Lotus Sutra). These parts should be necessarily considered in advance in that Seokgatap and Dabotap were derived from the form of "Gyeonbotappum". Based on this approach, the author checked the actual aspects of Seokgatap that the tower was built on a natural rock ground and the stones surrounding the tower are constituting the 8-directional Lotus site. With these two aspects, we could get the clue on the foundation time of Bulguksa that its founder had intended. In that Dabotap was formed on the basis of "Gyeonbotappum", the features of Dabotap is very important in comprehending its foundation viewpoint. As a result, the viewpoint of double towers in Bulguksa can be said to be the one that the world of suffering was to change to the Pure Land after Sakyamuni preached the Lotus Sutra on the top of Mt. Grdhrakuta and Prabhutaratna-tathagata proved it. This foundation viewpoint shows us clearly that 'the Lotus Buddhist Country' existed in parallel to the Avatamska Buddhist Country. It secures an appropriate meaning in that it can complement or adjust our understanding on the 'Buddhist country (Bulguk)' of Bulguksa where the Avatamska Idea is emphasized relatively highly as shown in the whole title of Bulguksa as 'Avatamska Bulguksa.'

불교우주론(佛敎宇宙論)과 사원구조(寺院構造)의 관계성 고찰

염중섭,Youm, Jung-Seop 한국건축역사학회 2008 건축역사연구 Vol.17 No.1

It is generally known that the temple structure in Korea was formalized by the ceremonial principle based on the Buddhist cosmology. But, there have been no concrete studies on how far the two have relationship with each other and what significance it implies in it. In other words, even though the temple structure reflects the Sumeru Mount cosmology which is the Buddhist cosmology, there is still uncertain aspects in the relationship between them. This research is a more concrete approach on what kind of corelation the Sumeru Mount cosmology has with the Korean temple structure. For this, the levels of related documents on the Buddhist cosmology and the Sumeru Mount cosmology have been arranged first. Then, on this basis, it is searched with what symbolism the cosmology has been accepted in the temple structure. The temple is a sacred space that holds Buddha and a profane space which the sattva (ordinary people) can approach at the same time. The site of the temple is also a land that is connected to the residence of sattva and a blissful area of prayer that they can be born again through Buddha at the same time. Thus, the double characteristics of sanctity and profanity are finally inter-connected with each other in the view point of Jinsokburi(Truth and Worldliness are not different), and the temple structure reflects this significance through the symbolism very well. Therefore, the correct recognition on the temple structure can be said as an important aspect to understand the purpose of Buddhism.

파승사(破僧事)의 아도세(阿도世)에 대한 승단인식(僧團認識) 고찰

염중섭 ( Jung Seop Youm ) 동양철학연구회 2008 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.56 No.-

破僧事의 과정에서 阿도世는 提婆達多와 결탁한 핵심적인 인물이다. 그러나 아사세는 처음에는 제바달다와 함께 사건을 도모했음에도 자신이 政變을 통해 왕이 된 이후에는 태도를 바꾸어 붓다에게 귀의하고, 또한 불교교단에도 많은 지원을 하고 있다. 즉, 아사세는 파승사의 과정에서는 제바달다와 결탁하여 붓다를 시해하려고 하다가, 뒤에는 불교의 큰 후원자가 되고 있는 것이다. 이러한 아사세의 이중적인 측면은 승단인식이 아사세를 정당하게 평가하지 못하게 하는 문제점을 파생하게 된다. 그로 인하여 불교의 관련 전적들은 아사세의 죄업을 경감시키거나, 또는 아사세의 잘못 마저도 제바달다에게 부가시키는 양상을 초래하게 된다. 즉, `선행한 惡`이 `후행하는 善`에 의해서 왜곡되는 결과가 나타나고 있는 것이다. 그러나 파승사에 대한 보다 정확한 이해에 있어서 아사세의 惡과 善은 서로 구분되어서 이해되어야 하는 것이 보다 바람직하다고 할 것이다. 제바달다는 破僧事와 破僧伽의 주체로서 불교적인 관점에서는 피할 수 없는 惡人이다. 그러나 그렇다고 해서 타인의 죄업까지 덧씌워지는 것이 정당화될 수는 없는 것이다. 이는 문제의 판단을 흐리게 하는 것인 동시에 불교의 온당한 발전에 있어서도 결코 바람직한 측면이 아니다. 아사세에 대한 우호적인 승단인식은 나름대로의 종교적인 합리성을 확보할 수가 있다. 그러나 이는 사실적인 접근에 있어서는 필연적으로 장애를 파생하게 된다. 그러므로 파승사와 파승가에 대한 철학적 접근에 있어서 이 부분은 보다 명확한 정리가 요청된다고 하겠다. In the samgha breaking event, Ajatasatru was a central accomplice of Devadatta. But, even though he conspired with Devadatta at first, he changed his attitude after he had become the king through the coup. He embraced Buddhism and made many supports to Buddhist sect. That is, Ajatasatru at first conspired with Devadatta to kill Buddha in the samgha breaking event, but later became a great supporter of Buddhism. This dual aspect of Ajatasatru has prevented samgha from recognizing and evaluating him correctly. Because of this, many Buddhist documents have less evaluated the sin of Ajatasatru or sometimes attributed the wrongdoing of Ajatasatru to Devadatta. That is, `the previous evil` has been distorted by `the subsequent good`. But, for the more accurate understanding on the samgha breaking event, it will be better to discern the good and evil of Ajatasatru. Devadatta was the central character in the samgha breaking event and the samgha-bheda, and an unexcusable evildoer in the Buddhist view. Nevertheless, it is not right to put others` crimes on him. It makes the judgement on that problem vague, and also is not good for the development of Buddhism. The favorable recognition of samgha to Ajatasatru may secure the religious rationality to some degree. But it inevitably causes an obstacle in the factual approach on the problem. Therefore, in the philosophical approach for the samgha breaking event and the samgha-bheda, the more clear arrangement for it is necessary.

『정암사사적(淨巖寺事蹟)』에서 확인되는 정암사 창건기록 검토Ⅰ - 645년 개창설(開創說)과 상(上)·하살나(下薩那)의 창건문제를 중심으로 -

염중섭 ( Youm Jung-seop ) 동아시아불교문화학회 2018 동아시아불교문화 Vol.0 No.33

『정암사사적』은 1778년 翠巖性愚가 찬술한 정암사에 대한 내력을 기록한 문헌이다. 정암사에 대한 기록은 一然의 「慈藏定律」과 閔漬의 慈藏傳記 중말미에서, 자장의 최후와 관련해 등장하는 단편적인 내용이 전부이다. 이런점에서 『정암사사적』은 정암사에 대한 종합적인 정보를 제공하는 유일한 자료라고 하겠다. 그러나 이것이 조선후기의 찬술이라는 점에서, 여기에는 필연적으로 자료의 신뢰문제가 존재할 수밖에 없다. 본고는 일연과 민지의 자료를 바탕으로, 『정암사사적』 중 정암사의 창건과 관련해서 문제점을 내포하는 ‘645년 개창설’과 ‘상살라와 하살라의 문제’를 고찰해 본 것이다. 먼저 자장이 정암사를 645년에 개창했다는 성우의 기록은, 당시 자장의 상황이나 일연과 민지가 적어 놓은 내용에 비추어 볼 때 전혀 타당성이 없다. 본고에서는 그럼에도 왜 정암사와 성우가 645년 개창설을 주장하는지에 대해서 논구해 본다. 이는 자장과 관련된 명주불교의 전체적인 흐름과 인식을 보다 분명히 해준다는 점에서 연구의 의의가 확보된다. 다음으로 상살라와 하살라의 문제는 민지의 자장전기에서도 일부가 확인되는 것으로, 『정암사사적』을 통해서 민지 기록이 명확성을 확대하는 부분이다. 이는 민지의 단편적인 기록이 정암사의 사실적인 측면이 반영된 내용을 만나, 불명확한 부분이 정리된다는 점에서 주목된다. 또 이를 통해서 일연과 민지가 정암사와 관련된 서로 다른 자료를 보았을 개연성이 환기되는데, 이는 이전에는 밝혀지지 않았던 연구라는 점에서 높은 연구의미를 확보한다. Written by Chuiam (翠巖) and Seongwoo (性愚) in 1778, 『Jungamsa Records』 are the documented records of the details of Jungamsa. Il-yeon’s 「Jajang Jungryul 慈藏定 律」 and the later part of Min Ji’s Jajang Jeongi (慈藏傳記) on the last years of the monk were the only historical records on the temple. In this context, Jungamsa Records can be said to be the only document that offers comprehensive information about the temple. However, the reliability of the document has been challenged inevitably, as it was written in later Joseon. Based on the materials written by Il-yeon and Min Ji, this study reviewed the ‘Story of the Foundation in the Year of 645’ and the ‘issues of Upper Salla and Lower Salla’ that appear in 『Jungamsa Records』, implying problems with the foundation of Jungamsa. First, Seongwoo’s records that Jajang founded Jungamsa in the year of 645 is completely unlikely, considering the situation of Jajang at that time and the descriptions of Il-yeon and Min Ji. Nonetheless, this study discussed why Seongwoo in Jungamsa argued the story of the foundation in the year of 645. This discussion is significant, as it clarifies the overall trend and awareness of Myeongjoo Buddhism in relation to Jajang. Next, the issues of Upper Salla and Lower Salla were partially confirmed in Min Ji’s Jajang Jeongi, whose reliability is extended by 『Jungamsa Records』. Min Ji’s partial records interact with the practical records of Jungamsa to clarify the uncertain issues. Subsequently, it became probable that Il-yeon and Min Ji referred to mutually different materials about the temple, which has not been studied before. In this light, the findings of this research are highly significant.

사상 : 자장(慈藏)의 신라오대산(新羅五臺山) 개건(開建)에 대한 타당성 검토(2) -민지(閔漬)의 <제일조사전기(第一祖師傳記)>를 중심으로-

염중섭 ( Jung Seop Youm ) 온지학회 2015 溫知論叢 Vol.0 No.43

본고는 慈藏의 溟州行에 있어서 가장 중요한 오대산 開建에 관한 측면을 검토한 것이다. 오대산과 관련해서는 一然의 『삼국유사』기록 이외에도, 고려후기 文臣인 閔漬가 1307년에 편찬한 『오대산사적기』가 있다. 민지의 기록은 오대산의 개건과 관련해서 자장에 대한 내용들을 <第一祖師傳記>로 잘 정리해 놓았다. 특히 일연과 민지의 연대차이가 적고, 민지는 오대산 측의 요청으로 .오대산사적기.를 정리하고 있다는 점에서, 일연보다 더 많은 관련문헌을 보았을 것으로 판단된다. 그러므로 본고에서는 일연의 오대산 기록과 민지의 기록을 상호대조하는 한편,민지 기록의 특징과 내포의미를 파악해 보고자 하였다. 이렇게 해서 새롭게 밝혀지는 부분을 세 가지로 요약하면 다음과 같다.첫째, 민지는 자장이 오대산의 개건과정에서 문수를 친견하지 못한다는 결과론적인 입장에서, 문수가 자장에게 신라오대산의 참배만을 권하며 葛蟠處에서의 만남을 기약하는 것으로 수정하고 있다. 둘째, 오대산의 관련기록들 안에는 ‘中臺의 寂滅寶宮’과 ‘月精寺에 대한 기록’에 相異가 존재한다. 그런데 이 중 중대보궁의 기록은 후대에 종교적인 윤색에 따른 것이다. 셋째, 자장이 오대산에서 문수친견에 실패하면서, 오대산의 개건과 관련된 불확실성 문제가 대두되는 것을 민지는 ‘8尺房’이라는 보다 구체적인 측면으로 수정하고 있다. 이러한 작업을 통해서, 오대산의 개건과 관련된 보다 정합성 있는 해법을 도출해 보는 동시에, 자장의 생애와 관련된 불명확성도 일정부분 해소해 볼 수가 있게 된다. This paper is to review Jajang``s establishment of Odaesan which is very significant in his journey to Myeongju. In relation with Odaesan, there is 『Odaesan Sajeoggi(五臺山事蹟記)』written in 1307 by Minji a civil vassal of late Goryeo Dynasty in addition to Ilyeon``s 『Samgug Yusa』. Minji recorded Jajang``s story about his establishment of Odaesan in<Jeil Josa Jeongi(第一祖師傳記)>. In that the date difference between Ilyeon and Minji is relatively small and that Minji was asked by Odaesan Temple to record<Jeil Josa Jeongi>, he seems to have read more materials in relation with Odaesan than Ilyeon. Therefore, while comparing it with the record by Ilyeon, this paper tries to find out the characteristics and significances of Minji``s record. As a result, three new findings could be obtained as follows: First, in the resultant viewpoint that Jajang could not have met Manjusri personally when he was opening the Odaesan, Minji revised the story that Manjusri had recommended Jajang just to visit Korean Odaesan and promised to meet at Galbancheo(葛蟠處). Second, the Odaesan-related records have some discrepancy between ``Jeogmyeol Bogung(寂滅寶宮) of Jungdae(中臺)`` and ``Woljeongsa(月精寺)``. In them, the record of Jungdae Bogung must be a religious embellishment of later generations. Third, when the problem of uncertainty in relation with the establishment of Odaesan emerged because Jajang failed to meet Manjusri personally in Odaesan, Minji solved it with a more concrete way of ``8-Chug Bang(尺房)``. Through this work, this paper suggests a more coherent solution for Jajang``s establishment of Odaesan as well as some uncertainties in Jajang``s life.