곽숭도(郭嵩燾)의 『회도선강집요(繪圖宣講集要)』에 나타난 청말(淸末)의 여성상(女性像)

송요후 ( Yoo Who Song ) 중국사학회 2012 中國史硏究 Vol.77 No.-

Studies on the social status of women in Chinese families abound. Most of the works were focused on virtues of women late imperial period, and the materials refered to were gazetteers, genealogies, novels and private anthologies. As Patricia Ebrey indicated, customes, practices, ideas, and sentiments related family change. The close connection of family life to religious beliefs, to primary economic activities of production and consumption, and to social organization at the local level means that changes or variations of any of these might well show up transmuted form as variations in family life and customs. As a result, if we want to analyze families in a certain period, would be needed to select corresponding, appropriate historical sources to examine past families. I think that Xuanjiang jiyao (宣 集要Collection of Examples for Reciting and Expounding the Sacred Edicts), to some extent, serves the need. But, comparing images on Chinese women in late Qing period depicted here, with those of more former times, is another problem. Besides genealogies and gazetteers, the sources that survive in abundance and provide us with information on the popular lives in countries, should be found. As such materials, generally, were works written by the intellectuals, and so imbued with their perspectives, it will be needed to develop our own perspectives to restore the popular lives. In the lineage-centered society, women were able to gradually gain strength of position by starting a family after childbirth (especially giving birth to sons). Family elders were always preoccupied with wives` influence on dividing the stove. This idea caused to feel keenly the necessity of edifying wives and daughters and emphasizing the morality as women. Futhermore, the social control of women was also justified. I illuminated to some extent, the control on women within a family or lineage in late imperial China, although the entire picture is not very clear. Studies on the relation between the tension caused on the idea of cohabitation of many generations in a large family by wives and contemporary social and economic aspects, should be performed.

『혈호보권(血湖寶卷)』의 선권(宣卷)과 그 종교(宗敎),사회적(社會的) 의미에 관하여

송요후 ( Yoo Who Song ) 명청사학회 2007 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.27

김평묵(金平默)의 『벽사변증기의(闢邪辨證記疑)』에 나타난 척사사상(斥邪思想)에 대(對)하여

송요후 ( Song Yoo-who ) 동국역사문화연구소(구 동국사학회) 2018 동국사학 Vol.64 No.-

김평묵의 斥邪論은 서양과 관련된 다양한 분야에 대한 관심과 그 본질을 알고자 함이 主가 되지 못하고, 철저하게 성리학적 유교의 華夷라는 이분법적 논리의 中華意識에 매몰되어 서양것에서는 하나도 배울 것이 없다는 일관된 입장에서 나온 것이었다. 그는 衛正闢邪, 內修外攘이 天理에 해당한다고 보고 오직 천리를 지키는 것만이 성인, 군자들이 할 일이었으므로 그 이외의 모든 諸家의 학문들은 전혀 쓸모가 없다고 보았다. 그의 이러한 서양학문에 대한 극단적인 폐쇄성과 더 나아가 이후의 강력한 정치적 실천성은 당시 조선을 둘러싼 국내외적 정치, 경제 상황을 배경으로 나온 것이었다. 19세기초 조선에서는 대내적으로 양반 벌열정치의 폐단이 만연하였고 서양의 異樣船艦이 江海의 沿岸에 왕래하며 물자가 교류되고 서양인들이 들 어와 천주교도들이 크게 확산되고 있었다. 대외적으로는 중국에 대한 서구열강 의 군사적 침략이 가속화되고 있었다. 이러한 대내·외적 상황 속에서 朝野에 위 기의식이 높아져 가고 있던 때, 이항로, 김평묵의 노론 산림계는 자신들의 정치적 생존 노선을 찾아야 했고 그 과정에서 극단적이라고 표현할 만한 움직임으로 나온 것으로 생각한다. 거기에는 물론 정치적 주도권을 잡아 가고자 하는 의도도 있었을 것이다. Arguments on anti-heterodoxy of Kim Pyung-mook was based on the dichotomous logical structure of Sino-barbarian theory, the Neo-confucian culturalism. His thought was deeply rooted in the cultural supremacy that Chosun, Korea inherited uniquely the cultural orthodoxy of Ming, China. Therefore, he insistently asserted that neither Catholicism nor scientific technologies including astronomy and military weapons introduced from the West were worthy of embracing. He thought that ‘defending orthodoxy and rejecting heterodoxy(衛正斥邪)’and ‘stabilizing the government and strengthening the national defense(內修外攘)’amounted to the natural principle to have to be kept by saints and virtuous gentlemen, and so that all the other fields of study except Neo-confucianism must not be useful at all. His extremly exclusive attitude to the Western studies and henceforth the politically strong power of execution were originated in the internal and external circumstances surrounding Chosun at that time. Early 19th century, Chosun was pervaded by harm effects of restricted ruling clans, and western warships and merchant ships appeared frequently at rivers and coasts of Chosun. As a result, western merchan-dises were traded and western Catholic missionaries infiltrated into Chosun and in Chosun devotees spread through the country. In Qing, China, military aggression by western powers was accelerated. Under such internal and external circumstances surrounding Chosun at that time, when both in and out of government, perception of crisis was mounting, Lee Hang-ro and Kim Pyung-mook, No-ron faction out of political power, had to search for their own political line. In the course, they showed such extreme ideological tendency and political movement, where intention to grasp the political initiative may be at work.

2007년 개정 세계사 교육과정에서 서구중심주의 극복론에 관하여

송요후 ( Yoo Who Song ) 역사교육학회 2007 역사교육논집 Vol.39 No.-

청(淸) 중기(中期) 복건(福建) 서북(西北) 산간지역(山間地域)의 붕민(棚民)과 노관재교(老官齋敎) 사건(事件)

송요후 ( Yoo Who Song ) 中國史學會 2009 中國史硏究 Vol.63 No.-

한국 중·고등학교 한국사교과서에서 고조선 지명의 비정(比定)에 관하여

宋堯厚(Song, Yoo-Who) 고조선단군학회 2014 고조선단군학 Vol.30 No.-

Recently, place names of Ancient Choson have not been indicated positively on the maps in Korean history textbooks. It is deeply related with the domain ruled by Ancient Choson. But, during the periods of the Korean Empire, the U.S Military Government, and the first and second curricular revision, the Korean history textbooks had indicated the place names of Ancient Choson on the maps. The territory of Ancient Choson is considered in close connection with the location of four counties that were established by the emperor Wudi Han empire(漢武帝) after conquerring Ancient Choson. So, scholars of Korean history have shown conflicting views on the locations of four Han counties(漢四郡), and I"m sure that it is a very sensitive issue in relation to East Asian history. It is not only beyond deplorable but worring that rather than because of foreign relations, differences of theories of domestic scholars have caused such circum stances. We all, although, are nationalists from the bottom of our heart, in reality, the narration on the territory of Ancient Choson has grown more ambiguous. Although, on the grounds for their differences of theories, many scholars have criticized that Lee Byung-do and Shin Seok-ho indicated locations of four Han counties on maps in Korean history textbooks, until now, no one showed new, groundbreaking results on the indication of locations. In this point, 2012 revised HistoryⅠ textbook that was published by Jihak-sa is so meaningful. I think that it is more practical to reflect once more on what we should teach students than wasteful slanders and disputes.

논문(論文) : 강소성(江蘇省) 남통(南通)지역 일대(一帶)의 파혈호(破血湖) 의식(儀式)에 관하여

송요후 ( Yoo Who Song ) 중국사학회 2011 中國史硏究 Vol.71 No.-

A ceremony called the blood-pot ceremony(血盆齋) was practiced in China. The Chinese believe that in the infernal regions there is a pond of blood, into which deceased married women generally, or women who have died in childbirth are plunged upon their entrance into that world. The reason for the blood-pot ceremony, therefore, is to save the spirit of a deceased mother from the punishment of blood pond. If we call the sutras used for this purpose generically as the blood-pot sutra(血盆經), not only the sutra for the ritual service, but also a variety of versions of sutras for the salvation of women who are destined to be plunged into the blood pond can be included in this category. Blood-pot sutras first appeared from about the early tenth century to the twelfth century in the Buddhist community, and later it appeared in Daoist and folk religious communities as well. I studied the blood-pot sutra and the blood-pot ceremony by mostly referring to historical literatures. Through this study, I presumed when the blood-pot sutra appeared, and sought the unfolding of the blood-pot sutra in the Buddhist, Daoist and folk religious(Bao-juan 寶卷) realms. I found that a variety of sutras which were published and transcribed were used for the ceremony and for reciting privately. After Henry Dore`s obversation, it has been reported frequently that the blood-pot ceremony was held by the name of Poxuehu(破 血湖; Breaking Blood-pond into pieces) in the Jiang-nan(江南) area. This ceremony was held surreptitiously, after communization, suffering oppression as a feudal superstition especially from the Cultural Revolution to 1980s. Through my fieldworks, it is confirmed that nowadays, with economic improvements, vigorous and rather extravagant ceremonies of Poxuehu led by Daoist priests were held privately in Nantong(南通), Suzhou(蘇州), and Kunsan(昆 山) areas. This ceremony is made up of many symbolic processes, and each process has its own meanings. Among any others, the religious meaning that sons and daughters are eager to rescue their mothers from pains within the blood-pond and ultimately redeem her to be reborn in Heaven(救母生天), is inherent in this ceremony. So, even under the persecution of communist Government and in spite of ridicule by missionaries in the early twentieth century, I suggest, this religious ritual could survive until now. But, as it was told that Poxuehu ritual was performed for all the women, we can recognize that in the back of their mind, the Chinese have the idea that the menstruation and childbirth blood are deeply related with the uncleanness that causes blasphemy as well as a sin which is an obstacle to spiritual redemption. Therefore, it cannot be denied that the Poxuehu ritual, in addition to the emphasis on filial piety, was deeply related with the status within a family and a lineage. Nowadays, owing to decrease of the number of childbirth and social change, and so forth, it seems that, the social meanings that are implicit in the ritual is fading out. The downward mobility of the social standing of a Daoist priest as an occupation, the serious predicaments that an initiator would have to undergo, as well as industrialization and urbanization have discouraged the young from learning as apprentices. As a result, the unbroken tradition of 1,000 years is gradually disappearing. On the one hand, with the revival of tradition, the demand for the ceremony is increasing. But, on the other hand, the government always is alert to the possibility for the heresy(邪敎) to permeate folk religions, and every local authorities have their own policies to control the folk religious ceremonies. It is said that a ritual is the activity that discloses well the dynamics of a religious culture. Through the research on Poxuehu ceremony, the situation of Chinese folk religions will be considered. It will also include historical, geographical and social consideration on the ceremony in the Jiang-nan area.

현대중국(現代中國)의 민간종교(民間宗敎)와 공존(共存)하는 민속신앙(民俗信仰)의 종교(宗敎)ㆍ문화적(文化的) 함의(含意) - 안국시(安國市) 약왕묘회(藥王廟會)의 사례(事例)를 중심으로 -

이호재 ( Lee Ho Jae ),송요후 ( Song Yoo Who ) 중국사학회 2017 中國史硏究 Vol.109 No.-