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박우룡(Park, Wooryong) 도시사학회 2012 도시연구 Vol.7 No.-
사실상 뉴라이트 프로그램(대처주의)은 일견 상반되어 보이는 이데올로기적 전통들 간의 결합이다. 즉 뉴라이트는 경제적 자유주의와 국가 또는 사회적 권위주의를 혼합시키려고 한다. 자유시장을 재창출하려는 시도는 불가피하게 매우 간섭적인 국가를 만드는 결과를 초래하였다. 뉴라이트가 국가의 경계선을 후퇴시키려는 목적으로 영국인들의 삶 구석구석에 시장의 힘을 밀어 넣으면서 국가는 더욱 강화되어 갔다. 그 결과 영국인들의 삶에서 방대한 변화가 발생하였고 이는 뉴라이트가 그리거나 추구하던 사회와는 전혀 다른 사회였다. 통화주의나 민영화, 재산소유 민주주의나 경제적 급성장 등과 같은 뉴라이트 프로그램들은 잠재적으로 실패한 것으로 평가받아 왔다. 런던 도클랜드 재개발계획 또한 이러한 거대계획 실패의 또 다른 사례가 되었다. 1979년 이래로 뉴라이트 정부는 런던 도클랜드 구역을 도시재개발의 차원에서 국가적 중요성을 지닌 곳으로 봐왔다. 정부는 ‘신자유주의’ 자유 시장철학에 굳건히 기댄 뉴라이트 경제정책들과 함께 런던 도클랜드 개발공사(LDDC)를 설립하고 지정된 구역을 개조하기 위해 힘을 실어줬다. 그러나 이 개발에 대해서 세 가지 비판 지점을 거론하는 것이 이치에 맞는 듯이 보인다. 첫째는 지역 민주주의와 이해들의 상실이고 둘째는 투기적인 과잉생산의 문제이며 세 번째 지점은 가능한 기술적 쇠퇴에 관련된다. In essence, the new right program(Thatcherism) is a marriage between two apparently contrasting ideological traditions. The new right thus attempted to fuse economic liberalism with state and social authoritarianism. The unavoidable result of attempting to reinvent the free market was highly invasive state. As the new right thrust market forces into every corner of British life with the aim of ‘rolling back the frontiers of the state’, the state grew ever stronger. The result was far-reaching change in British life that created a society different from any the new right envisioned or desired. The new right programs such as monetarism, privatization, creating property-owning democracy, booming economy and so on have been estimated to have virtually failed. The London Docklands redevelopment project also became an another example of those great planning failures. Since 1979 the new right government has seen the London Docklands area as one of national significance in terms of urban redevelopment. The government set up and empowered the London Docklands Development Corporation(LDDC) to regenerate the designated area, in line with the new right’s economic policies, which were firmly on the ‘neo-liberal’ free market philosophies. But it seems reasonable to make three critical points on the development. First is the loss of local democracy and interests. Second is the problem of speculative over-production. The third point is about possible technological obsolescence.
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박우룡(Park Wooryong) 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2003 영미연구 Vol.9 No.-
Because English culture dominates the cultures of the other three nations of British Isles, every habits, attitudes and values among the peoples are very similar. However, they are not identical, and what is often regarded as typically British may in fact be only typically English. Non-English members of the United Kingdom are very sensitive to the lordly English habit of subsuming British under English. The most English people have the difficulty in distinguishing themselves, in a collective sense, from the other inhabitants of the British Isles. They are of course perfectly well aware that there are Welsh, Scots, Irish. But the general rule is to see all the major events and achievements of national life as English. Other ethnic groups are brought on in minor or supporting roles. England before the late nineteenth century could not know nationalism as a nation state formed by the nation. The English nation, the political nation was a class concept, and remained so for at least a century after the French Revolution. There were moments of patriotic fervor at the time of the Spanish Armada, and several other occasions during Elizabeth’s reign. There were claims for equality during the English Civil War, though in any case couched mostly in religious terms. There was a popular mobilization against the French during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. But none of these amounts to an instance of nationalism proper, and certainly generated nothing like a persisting national consciousness. For much of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth century, the inhabitants of the newly formed Great Britain saw themselves primarily as Britons and their country as Britain. This then was a national identity of a kind. But it was not a ‘nationalist’ identity, an identity framed in terms of common membership of an ethnic community. Its attachment was primarily institutional-to Church, to Parliament, and, above all, to the Crown. English national consciousness developed at some point towards the end of the nineteenth century. Probably the most important reason for the rise of Englishness was ideological. The nineteenth century was the age of nationalism, and the latter part of the century saw the new doctrine developed to its most intensive point. Nationalism at this time had come to be predominantly of the cultural kind. As opposed to the older kind, emphasizing common citizenship, cultural nationalism emphasized common ethnicity. The hallmarks of this ethnicity were held to be language, religion, history, and blood or race. English intellectuals responded energetically to this need. In language and literary studies, in historiography, fiction, and folklore, there arose what can best be described as a cultural movement to define and celebrate Englishness. The moment of Englishness defines, in many ways, the essence of Englishness as this has come to be conceived in the high culture of the nation. Many of the later accounts of ‘the English character’ or ‘the English tradition’ drew heavily on it. But the Englishness of the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries was mostly a cultural definition. It was an affair of poets, novelists, literary critics, philologists, folklorists, and historians. At the level of national politics it was played down. English national identity largely consists of individualism, conservatism, class consciousness, public spiritedness and amateurism, and the love of nature. Contemporary English culture tends to reflect these five crucial factors of English identity and, especially, linguistic expressions of English people also largely approve influence of the identity.
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이동희(Donghee Lee),양원석(Wonseok Yang),이준학(Junhak Yi),박우룡(Wooryong Park),김현우(Hyeonwoo Kim),남우철(Woochul Nam) 국방로봇학회 2023 국방로봇학회 논문집 Vol.2 No.4
Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) are widely utilized throughout various fields. The swiftness of UAVs enables them to track moving objects by processing their vision data. Tracking a ground object is achieveable with relatively simple control due to the wide field of view of the UAV of the ground acquired from above and the gradual movement of the target object. However, tracking objects with nimble and unexpected movements such as UAVs is difficult. The tracking UAV needs to be controlled swiftly according to the sudden movement of the target object. Abrupt movement of the target object could also provoke errors in visual tracking. Thus, we developed a new tracking system for UAVs that enables them to track another UAV. A state-of-the-art visual detector YOLO-V5 was adopted for visual tracking, and different control schemes were applied to track the target UAV. This system was verified by real flight experiments with a micro air vehicle (DJI TELLO).
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