중공의 군대정치공작에 관한 연구

공기두 한국토지행정학회 1986 토지행정학회편람 Vol.1 No.-

Maoism의 앞날

孔冀斗 단국대학교부설 중국연구소 1982 中國 Vol.- No.5

共産主義의 民族主義觀

孔冀斗 단국대학교 대학원 1978 學術論叢 Vol.2 No.-

統一政策의 基本意識 : 分斷原因의 省察을 중심으로

공기두 단국대학교부설 중국연구소 1983 中國 Vol.- No.7

국가의 주체성과 개인 : 事大的 殘滓, 이것이 문제

공기두 일념 1994 교수아카데미총서 Vol.7 No.1

이를테면 한일관계가 정상화가 반드시 항일적 민족감정의 수치만은 아니라는 것이 그 좋은 하나의 보기이다. 비록 그 정책의 배경에는 한반도의 냉전화를 지속하기 위해서라도 필요했던 미국의 부분적「데탕트」전략이 한국을 일본과 결부시키려 했다고 하지만, 항일만이 한국 민족이념의 전부일 수도 없거니와 또한 진정한 克日의 구체화를 위해 일본과의 국교는 다시 열어야 할 필요가 있었다. 그러나 당시 반대론자의 극한감정은 우선 자신들의 처신을 옹호하기에 급급한 것이었다. 요컨대, 이와 같은 민족 주체의식의 미확립이 이어 온 가운데 역사의 밤은 깊어만 갔고 또한, 그의 고뇌는 헤어나기 어려운 심연으로 빠져들었다. 이러한 자각에서 지배권력이 접근하기 쉬웠던 「엘리트」 계층의 적응력과 조종하기 쉬웠던 非「엘리트」계층이 무능력은 다 함께 민족 주체성의 「극복」이라는 공동과제를 안고 있는 줄 알아야 할 것이다. 이는 곧 외세의 지배가 한국의 전통사상을 강제로 소외시킨 비판정신의 출발일 것이다.

行政責任性과 政治民主化의 相關性

孔冀斗 단국대학교 1993 論文集 Vol.27 No.-

People accept democracy as the valuable political ideology because it is based on the empirical fact that the most high quality decision in the society can be made through open competition among the people who have various perspectives. Meanwhile, for the democratic procedure to work properly in the society, the sate has to be able to allocate the resource on the basis of non-partisan criteria. Preforming allocation of the enormous resources through certhain criteria require a different logic and method from the competitive political procedure and it is the responsibility of administration. Thus, politics/administration dichotomy evolves as a separate entity. It suggests that even if politicians or political parties have made a policy reflecting public general interests through a democratic procedure, the people who are in charge of implementing the policy have to review it on the basis of their criteria of promoting public interest and, if necessary, the policy has to be adjusted for the effective and efficient implementation of it. If they give up such a role, it implies that they up their responsibility and degrade themslves as the tool of the powerful politicians. Therefore, fulfilling the administrative responsibility by public officials is not only their right but also their obligation if the democratic society. The reason why the administrative responsibility is so important is that, even though the democratic society accept the respective independence of the legislature, the executive and the judicature, the state power is exercised through the administration and the people realize the influence of the state power through the activities of the steel-level public officials. In other words, without the functions of administration, the decisions of the legislature and of the court can not be effectivated in the society. The indispensability and the increasing role of the administration are a part of the reasons of bringing about the "administrative state" and, because of the expansions of the role of administration in the decision making in the society, people may believe that the administration can not be separated from politics. However it does not mean that the administration should be attached to the power. Even though it can be somewhat inefficient, the competition between the power holders are desirable and healthy for the genuine democracy and the society should not forget to accept it as a normal phenomenon. In this respect, when the state tries to promote the general interest responding various demands in the society, the administration has to keep the position of value free and to fulfill their responsibility on the basis of non-partisan criteria although it may conflict with the view from the political side in the process. If they give up this role in the society, it can be understood as a denial of the reason of their existence in the society. In the mean time, if the administration does not fulfill its responsibility properly, it should be controlled somehow. The most desirabel control method of the administration is the internal control, that is, the members of an ageny are controlled by the ethical codes or other standards which are established by themselves. However, there are limits in the internal control because the administrators instinctively do not want to reveal their acitivities, especially their illicit transactions. As and alternative, the control by exteral actors such as the citizen, the legislature and the court became important. However, the time has came for the administration to realize the importance of their roles in the society, to develope their ability and capacity for preforming the given role more efficiently and to improve their environment. As the administration improve their environment. As the administration improve their capacity and ability for fulfilling their responsibility without trembling by improper political forces, it can contribute to the democratization of politecal forces, it can contribute to the democratization of politics. As we know, not only the policies is the major environmental factor for the administration but the administration is alos the important environmental factor for the politics. Therefore, the democratization of one can promote the democratization of the other. In conclusion, as I suggested in the introduction the administrative responsibility and the democratization of politics are related each other and the genuine democratic development is possible through the improvement of both sides and through continuing interaction of the two sides.

통일정책의 문제점

공기두 단국대학교부설 중국연구소 1989 中國 Vol.- No.13

行政責任性의 확보 방안 : 一試論

공기두 단국대학교 행정대학원 1992 檀國行政論叢 Vol.1 No.-

蔣介石이「中華民國」建立에 미친 影響 : 淸代 以後 中國의 再統一過程을 중심으로

孔冀斗 단국대학교 대학원 1980 學術論叢 Vol.4 No.-

They record twenty years of intensive preparation for the important role which he is playing to-day. His tenacity of purpose in adhering to the revolutionary cause which at times appeared hopeless, andhis unwearying loyalty to the late Kuomintang leader, Dr Sun Yat-sen, which was shown during this preparatorx period, are as graphically told as circumstances warrant. After remaining in comparative obscurity for nearly one-third of his time, he emerged triumphantly as President of the Whampoa Military Academy and as Commander-in Chief of the Northern Punitive Expedition. His life story from this time on became the story of China. Through many vicissitudes he was able to carry out Dr. Sun's dearest wish to inspire the peoplewith national consciousness by the gradual elimination of individual and regional interests. Even thosewho were wont to China as a mere geographical expression and unworthy of being regarded as a nation, now freely admit that a "new concept" of China is necessary. The Generalissimo has created a new China. Often thwarted by ignorance and jealousy, he patiently persevered. He has steadily extended the influence of the Central Government. He has simultaneously convinced the provinces by personal visits and by reforms that he initiated that their interests cannot suffer if national interests are advanced. The sketch of the Generalissimo in his middle age is largely the story of his eradication of provincialism. He forged the dual instruments of the New Life Movement and the People's Economic Reconstruction Movement wherewith to extirpate the deeply-rooted callousness of the Chinese warlodrs and the age-long selfishness of Chinese merchants and landowners. Some impatient people desired to see a stately superstructure raised before the foundations were laid, but the Generalissimo realized that unspectacular preliminary work would expedite rather than delay the building of the national edifice. He there there fore started these new movements to clear the ground of noxious and useless growths. He set the wheels of economic reconstruction revolving. He welded the Army into an efficient weapon for defence. He brought into public service the ideal of the abnegation of personal interests. By living a clean, energetic life he has set an example that has inspired the whole nation. Thus he has become the acknowledged leader of those who have thrown the mselves whole-heartedly into the task of guiding the nation politically, economically, and socially along the path of progress to the goal of national nuity. Even his bittere st political opponents concede him the credit of being the heart and soul of the reform movement. Consequently an account of China's recent national progress in politics, economics, and social affairs mustbe mainly the Generalissimo's own life-story-the personal guidance of a leader placed by Providence in the vanguard. The extent of hiscontribution to the development of the world's history will have to be left to future generations to determine, or to place in proper perspective. There is little doubt, however, that his achivement is bound to exercise profound effect upon the future realignment of international forces in Asia. With this his biographers of to-morrow will babe to deal. Knowledge of the Generalissimo from his early youth prompted the author to write these volumes. They are intended to assist towards a better and clearer understanding of the man who is guiding the destiny of 400,000,000 people and of the problems he has been compelled to solve. As long ago as the spring of 1905, Chiang Kai-shek was enrolled as a pupil at Lungching High School at Fenghua where the author was the na teacher. Although the future Generalissimo's stay there was brief, his personality made a deep impression upon the faculty. He was a seriousminded student. The rooms of Chiang Kai-Shek and the author were on the same floor of the school building, and the latter has thus full opportunity to observe how the future Generalissimo occupied himself out of class-hours. Chiang Kai-shek was an early riser, and, after his matutinal ablutions, it was his custom to stand erect on the veranda in front of his bedroom for half an hour. Durng the time lips were compressedihis features were set in determin, tion, and he stood with his arms firmly folded. It is, of course, impossible to say definitely what thoughts filled his mind at such times, but it was fairly obvious that he was thinking of his future. In fact it is clear from his own diary that during those few months at the Lungching School, he was formulating plans to go to Japan to study military science in order the better to equip himself for a career which was to be wholly dedicated to the nation. Another thing that made a deep impression on the author was the avidity with which he seized upon the newspapers as they arrived from Shanghai. There was a little reading room for the use of the scholars, and thereduring the recess he carefully studied them. In those days few new spapers penetratrd to country districts like Fenghua, and when some found their way there they were highly prized, but to the writer's recollection no one was so keen to learn of the march of events in the outside world as Chiang. The Generalissimo to this day is an in satiable newspaper reader, feeling that it is an important part of hisduty to keep himself wellinformed of happenings in every part of China, and even of developments in other parts of the world.

중국의 학생운동과 민주화

공기두 단국대학교부설 중국연구소 1987 中國 Vol.- No.9