대한제국기 경상남도 동래군의 주거지 분포와 가옥 소유 현황– 1904년 <경상남도 동래군 가호안> 분석 결과를 중심으로 –

장경준 부산광역시사편찬위원회 2022 항도부산 Vol.43 No.-

This thesis concretely analyzed the aspect and characteristics of residential area distribution, the ownership status of land and houses, and the form and size of houses in Dongnae-gun of 1904 by analyzing the House Register of Dongnae-gun in Gyeongsangnam-do . In Dongnae-gun of 1904, a lot of houses were distributed in Eupnae-myeon, Dongpyeong-myeon, Saha-myeon, Sajung-myeon, Buk-myeon, and Namsang-myeon. On the other hand, relatively, there were not many houses in Dongsang-myeon, Sasang-myeon, Seosang-myeon, Dongha-myeon, Seoha-myeon, and Namha-myeon. By this time, however, the number of houses tended to be increasing in Dongsang-myeon, Sasang-myeon, Seosang-myeon, Dongha-myeon, Seoha-myeon, and Namha-myeon. When the areas like Eupnae-myeon, Dongpyeong-myeon, and Buk-myeon that traditionally had lots of houses reached the saturated condition and lost the motive for population inflow, the seaside area that was not preferred was newly rising as a new residential area. In Dongnae-gun of 1904, total 3,706 people owned 3,720 lots of land. Total 3,706 land owners were composed of 3,650 male owners and 56 female owners including six prostitutes. There were many lots of land in Dongpyeong-myeon, Eupnae-myeon, Buk-myeon, Sajung-myeon, Namsang-myeon, and Dongsang-myeon while there were the least lots of land in Seosang-myeon. However, some relatively big-sized land was distributed in Saha-myeon, Sajung-myeon, Seosang-myeon, Seoha-myeon, and Namsang-myeon. There were total 3,724 houses owned by land owners. Among them, there were total 68 tile-roofed houses such as 27 houses in Eupnae-myeon, 24 houses in Dongpyeong-myeon, nine houses in Sajung-myeon, four houses in Namsang-myeon, two houses in Sasang-myeon, and one in each Seoha-myeon and Namha-myeon. On the other hand, there were no tile-roofed houses at all in Seosang-myeon, Buk-myeon, Saha-myeon, Dongha-myeon, and Dongsang-myeon. The tile-roofed houses had the minimum three rooms and the maximum 17 rooms, and five rooms were shown the most in 24 houses, which was followed by four, eight, and seven rooms in order. There were various sizes of straw-roofed houses like 2-13 rooms, and total 2~5 rooms were shown in 97%(3,557 houses) of the whole straw-roofed houses. There were total 1,143 houses owned by house owners. Among them, there were total 12 tile-roofed houses only in Sajung-myeon while there were no tile-roofed houses at all in the rest myeons. The tile-roofed house share of houses owned by house owners was extremely lower than the houses owned by land owners, which must be because the economic power of house owners was mostly inferior to land owners’. Among the houses owned by house owners, there were 1,131 straw-roofed houses(99%) of total 1,143 houses. In the size of straw-roofed houses, there were houses with 2-7 rooms, and the houses with four rooms or less formed the mainstream by taking up 98% of the whole. 이 글은 慶尙南道東萊郡家戶案 을 분석해 1904년 당시 동래군의 거주지 분포 양상과 특징, 대지와 가옥 소유 현황, 가옥의 형태와 규모를 세밀하게 분석해 보았다. 1904년 당시 동래군은 읍내면·동평면·사하면·사중면·북면·남상면에 가옥이 많이 분포했다. 반면, 동상면·사상면·서상면·동하면·서하면·남하면은 상대적으로 가옥이 많지 않았다. 다만, 이 무렵 동상면·사상면·서상면·동하면·서하면·남하면도 가옥 수는 증가하는 추세에 있었다. 전통적으로 가옥 수가 많았던 읍내면·동평면·북면 등이 가옥 포화상태에 이르러 인구 유입 동인을 잃어가는 사이 선호하지 않았던 바닷가 쪽이 새롭게 주거지로 부상하고 있었다. 1904년 당시 동래군에는 3,706명이 3,720필지의 대지를 소유하고 있었다. 대주 3,706명 중 남성은 3,650명, 여성은 56명이었으며 여성 대주 중 6명은 기녀였다. 대지 필지수는 동평면·읍내면·북면·사중면·남상면·동상면 등이 많았으며 서상면이 가장 적었다. 하지만 비교적 규모가 큰 대지는 사하면·사중면·서상면·서하면·남상면 등에 분포했다. 대주 가옥은 모두 3,724채였다. 이 중 와가는 68채로 읍내면 27채, 동평면 24채, 사중면 9채, 남상면 4채, 사상면 2채, 서하면·남하면 각 1채씩이 있었다. 반면 서상면·북면·사하면·동하면·동상면에는 와가가 전혀 없었다. 와가는 최소 3칸에서 최대 17칸까지 있었는데 5칸이 24채로 가장 많았고 4칸, 8칸, 7칸이 다음 순이었다. 초가의 규모는 2칸에서부터 13칸까지 다양했는데, 2~5칸은 전체 초가의 97%에 해당하는 3,557채가 있었다. 가주 가옥은 모두 1,143채였다. 이 중 와가는 12채로 사중면에만 있었고 나머지 면들에는 전혀 없었다. 대주 가옥보다 가주 가옥의 와가 점유율은 극히 낮았는데, 이것은 대체로 가주의 경제력이 대주보다 열세였기 때문이었을 것이다. 가주 가옥 중 초가는 전체 가옥 1,143채 중 99%인 1,131채였다. 초가 규모는 2칸에서부터 7칸까지 있었는데, 4칸 이하가 전체의 98%로 주류를 이루었다.

18세기 호적상 ‘主戶’의 존재 양태와 戶의 모습에 대한 일고찰

張慶俊(Jang Kyung-Jun) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.67 No.-

This study examined the pattern of the household heads and the actual state of households through the comparison of the 1714 Daegu Joambang Hojeok(family register) and the 1720 Daegu Joambang Yangan(government register). In order to investigate the actual state of households it looked into the principles to investigate households and the principles to compose a household. To begin with, the comparison of household heads in the Hojeok and the family heads in the Yangan found that 102 household heads in the Hojeok (54.8%) are also registered as family heads in the Yangan while the rest 84 household heads(45.2%) are not. When examined based on family heads in the Yangan, 102 family heads in the Yangan (63.4%) are registered as household heads in the Hojeok while the rest 59 heads (36.6%) are not. Although lots of household heads in the Hojeok are also registered as family heads in the Yangan, not a few heads are not. In addition, lots of family heads in the Yangan are not registered as household heads in the Hojeok. Among household heads in the 1714 Hojeok, 102 heads that are also registered as family heads in the 1720 Yangan had an overall good economic ability, and probably were family heads when creating the Hojeok. This sets up the proposition, ‘Household heads in the Hojeok are also family heads in the Yangan.’ The validity of the proposition can be proved through 59 family heads in the Yangan who are not identified as household heads in the Hojeok. The 84 household heads who are not registered as family heads in the Yangan had lower levels of status and economic abilities than the 102 household heads who are identified as family heads in the Yangan. Therefore, the 84 household heads are hardly considered as family heads. Instead, they are considered as the mere owner or tenant of a house. This modifies the proposition, 'Household heads in the Hojeok are also family heads in the Yangan' into the proposition, ‘Household heads in the Hojeok are also a family head or the owner or tenant of a house in the Yangan.’ A household registered in the Hojeok is composed of a household head, the owner or tenant of a house, and his family or those who have dominance-subordination relationships with the household head. Therefore, as the owner or tenant of a house changes through the distribution of the house or selling or purchasing the house, the members of a household in the Hojeok can be removed or added. Actually, those who live separately are registered to belong to the same household while those who live together are registered to belong to different households. This is because the household in the Hojeok is composed based on the ownership or tenantship of a house. In this respect, a household in the Hojeok does not correspond to a household in reality. Nevertheless, it is not appropriate to consider a household in the Hojeok as the result of a complicated formation process in order to balance the total number of households. This is because the removal or addition to a household in the Hojeok, which seem appropriate at fist sight, appears to be a natural result attributed to changes in ownership or tenantship of a house. Therefore, according to the nation's principles to investigate households, the household in the Hojeok is considered as a legal procedure to grasp the owner or tenant of a house in reality.