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Harry Van Der Hulst 한국어학회 2003 한국어학 Vol.18 No.-
이 논문에서는 핵 추진 음운론(HDP)의 기본 원칙과 적용에 대하여 소개하고 논의하였다. 이 논의가 의존 음운론과 지배 음운론을 포함하고 있는 이론의 범위 내에 있음을 확실히 해야한다. 본고에서는 논의의 출발 관점인 지배 음운 이론의 범위 내에 만들어진 제안을 받아들이면서 허가, 구성 요소간 허가와 경계 허가 통합의 일반화된 이론을 제시하기 위해 노력했다. 그러나 여기서 결과는 불확실한 것으로 나타났으며, 더욱 심화된 실험이 필요할 것으로 보인다.
중국어, 일본어 화자들의 중간언어 음운 연구 : 지배 음운론적 관점에서 본 한국어 받침 발음을 중심으로
윤영해(Young-hae Yoon) 한국외국어대학교 외국어 종합연구센터 언어연구소 2007 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.39
As a view of government phonology, this thesis analyzes interlanguage phenomenon that is frequently misused by Chinese and Japanese when they learn Korean. The interlanguage phonology is able to divide into segment, sound alteration, syllabic structure. The aspect of inter-language can be verified by observing errors which are appeared each part of phonology. Errors, that are occurred when foreigners speak the Korean consonant and when speaking the segment-sound (the double-vowel /ㅖ/ and the singular-vowel /ㅐ/), are explained by syllable-structure and element of governmental phonology. Japanese and Chinese have a fundamentally different syllable- structure because they don't speak the domain-final empty nucleus. So they often make errors when they speak Korean by excepting Korean consonant or inserting the vowel /ㅡ/. These errors appear when speaking Korean by changing construction elements to follow Chinese phoneme- system because, in the segment, phoneme-system isn't same between Korean and Chinese.
허용 ( Yong Heo ) 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2009 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.44
This paper discusses the consonant sandhi including visrga([h]) in classical Sanskrit in the framework of Government Phonology. Firstly, I discussed the internal structure of consonants of this language and show their representations based on the element theory. I claim that neutralization and consonant cluster simplification are due to the limited licensing property of the licensed word-final empty nuclei of this language. As for the vocalization, I accounted for it with the element L-spreading, and nasalization can be explained by the inter-onset government. We will also see that the segmental change of /t/ and /s/ and visarga can be accounted for by the composition and decomposition of elements.
강옥미(Kang Ong Mi) 한국어학회 2002 한국어학 Vol.17 No.-
The goal of this study is to review Korean phonology under non-linear approaches and to see how each theory deals with each phonological phenomenon. Phonological phenomena discussed in this paper are caused by syllable wellformedness constraints, onset conditions, coda conditions, phonotactic constraints and the syllable contact law. We will see how they are explained under underspecification theory, feature geometry, dependency phonology, government theory, prosodic phonology and correspondence theory.
허용 ( Yong Heo ) 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2004 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.34
This paper discusses the phonological process of consonantal assimilation in Korean within the framework of Government Phonology. It has been claimed that this process due to the`` principle of economy`` in pronunciation. That is. the certain consonant clusters or consonantal sequences that are difficult to produce undergo changes in the way to make them easy to pronounce. In this paper I argue against such a claim by adopting the principle of inter-onset government. In a given consonantal sequence of Korean. formed by putting two morphemes together. the preceding onset separated by a licensed empty nucleus must be governed by the following onset. A consonant can govern the other consonant if and only if the latter is no more complex than the former. Put it in another way. the governee must not stronger than the governor in consonantal governing hierarchy. We claim that the hierarchy is obstruents ) nasals) liquids. If a sequence violates the principle of inter-onset government, it must undergo the process of consonantal assimilation. We also claim that direction of the process is regressive. that is. it is the preceding consonant rather than that undergoes sound change. Some cases, which appear to be exceptional to this generation. are in fact the cases where the regressive assimilation cannot to apply. What is of interest is the case of consonantal assimilation that is seen in Korean cannot be easily found in other languages such as English and French. As for this. I claim that the difference lies on whether or not the licensed empty nucleus between the two onsets allow the inter-onset government.
한국어 “ㄷ-, ㅂ-, ㅅ- 불규칙 용언”에 대한 지배음운론적 접근
노채환 ( Chae Hwan Roh ) 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2015 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.66
This paper aims to analyze representations of ‘t-, p-, and s- irregular verbs`` in Korean. When those irregular verbs are followed by endings, each verb shows a different representation according to characteristics of each ending. It analyzes that different representations show on to those irregular verbs depending on following endings through both Inter-onset government and Empty category principle which Government Phonology supports. This paper focuses on the syllable constitution of final consonants of those irregular verbs. It considers that those segments are unlinked to x-slot in the underlying syllable structure. There occurs the same phonological phenomenon as that of regular verbs through the formation of the Inter-onset government when consonants endings come consecutively. On the contrary, when vowel endings come in succession, there occur different representations depending on each ending because Inter-onset government is not formed.