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Comparing National-Subnational Relations in 8 Unitary States
( Ok Yeon Yi ) 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 2006 International Area Studies Review Vol.9 No.2
In most developed democracies, both national and subnational governments are directly elected by different aggregations of the sample people even if both elections take place on the same date. Some independently mandated governments sometimes succeed in enhancing subnational autonomy in public economic activity better than their cohorts. To explain this cross-sectional, temporal variation in centralization in public economic activity, I will first examine how different countries` constitutions codify national-subnational relations. Specifically, who has decision-making power regarding fiscal authority and how are these decision-makers selected across national and subnational governments? I will, then, explore what these constitutions do not specify but what has become institutionalized in intergovernmental relations. The main purpose of this paper is to compare national-subnational relations from perspectives of the legal-constitutional provision, administration, financial arrangement, subnational autonomy, and institutionalized intergovernmentalism in 8 unitary states, Denmark, Sweden, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, and the United Kingdom.
( Ok Yeon Yi ) 한국세계지역학회 2007 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.25 No.2
The provision and financing of public-sector programs by nature have important institutional, political and economic dimensions, thus varying from one country to another, or even within the same country from one administration to another. Various factors may channel the process of shifting the locus of fiscal responsibilities, including politico-economic system, levels of economic development, and / or legal-constitutional traditions. Identifying all of these factors may be formidable if not impossible, but precisely because fiscal institutions are dependent on this multitude of factors, it is worthwhile exploring how we may account for why the level of fiscal centralization varies significantly in a group of countries despite several obvious similarities they share. In this paper, I propose an explanatory model by highlighting institutional and political dimensions of fiscal federalism in developed federal states and then focus on the United States of America to see how the issues of intergovernmental fiscal relations emerged in recent years.
이옥연 ( Ok Yeon Yi ) 한국세계지역학회 2011 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.29 No.3
유럽연합은 근대국가나 국제기구도 아닌 정체(政體)이다. 그러나 독자적 유럽 차원의 권위를 제대로 정립할 수 있을지에 대한 의혹이 크다. 왜냐하면 국가주권과 지역통합은 통상적으로 상쇄하는 영합적(zero-sum) 관계로 인지되기 때문이다. 통합과정은 이를 정합적(positive-sum) 관계로 전환하는 제도화 작업을 수반하지만, 종종 제동이 걸린다. 국경통제와 사회통합을 포괄하는 이민 문제는 진전과 정체를 반복하는 유럽의 행보를 잘 보여주는 정책 영역이다. 근본적으로 일관된 또는 "세련되게 포장된" 공공 정책 자체를 추구하는 경우 이민 정책은 난관에 봉착할 가능성이 높다. 본 논문은 연방주의와 이민 문제를 유럽연합과 연계해 유럽연합에 주는 시사점을 논하고자 한다. 우선 유럽 이민 문제의 법제도화를 설명하는 기존 연구를 검토한 후 이 선행연구를 기초로 연방 주의, 즉 수직적 권력분립을 이민과 결부해 6개국 연방국가의 법제도와 이주 추이를 비교한다. 이러한 법제도와 이주 추이를 비교한 결과와 대조하면서 이민 문제의 유럽화 가 어떻게 진전되었고 이러한 발전 과정이 연방주의 원칙에 의한 이민 문제와 어떠한 상관성을 보여주는지 논하고자 한다. 그리고 이민 문제에 관한 여론과 이민 정책, 그리고 궁극적으로 이민 법제도 간 상관관계를 근거로 유럽연합을 전망하면서 결론을 맺고자 한다. European Union is neither a modern nation-state nor an international organization, but a unique polity on its own term. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether it can sustain itself on the basis of its own authority. National sovereignty is often perceived to be at odds with regional integration. Consequently, it is imperative to transform this zero-sum relationship into a positive-sum relationship. Yet EU member states and their citizens put on a brake on the institutionalization of such transformation at times. Immigration definitively shows this intermittent progress as it encompasses border control and social integration. If pursued as a uniform public policy, immigration is also likely to encounter deadlocks in various stages. In this paper, I explore to illuminate immigration in EU from the perspective of federalism. After surveying previous works on immigration in EU, I compare immigration across 6 federal states. Then I examine how immigration has been institutionalized at the European level and elaborate on its pertinence to federalism. By looking into public opinion on immigration and the corresponding immigration regime at the European level, I conclude that immigration may even make or break the path Europe has taken as a unique polity.
이옥연 ( Ok Yeon Yi ) 서울대학교 미국학연구소 2016 미국학 Vol.39 No.1
Many pundits of the transatlantic relation primarily concur that conflict and cooperation are simultaneously dormant across the United States and Europe. Such a consensus arguably stems from notable likelihood of homogenization in the transatlantic relation despite its significant differences in the historical evolution of modern nation states. Others, however, opt to accentuate an ostentatious rift between a long-time world leader and a latecomer which only rose to its fame recently. This paper is in agreement with manifestation of the apparent rift in the transatlantic relation precisely because two sides have learned to live in disagreement with restructure of a new world order. This study further explores the ambivalence of the transatlantic relation, first by illuminating the change and continuity across the United States and Europe in the evolving world order, followed by an increasingly pessimistic prognosis with regard to China and Russia, especially since the turn of the twenty-first century.
이옥연(YI OK YEON) 21세기정치학회 2012 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.22 No.3
Enacted along with the Japanese Constitution in 1947, the Local Autonomy Law established the directly elected head of executive and legislature at the local level, independent of the central government. Especially since the 1980s, an outcry for decentralization in a global age managed to put together a consensus across liberal and conservative wings, albeit its brevity. While striving for a thorough reorganization in local administration, an efficient management of local government and a participatory democracy at the local level, however, local governance encounters a trilemma of local reform, civic engagement, and balanced development. I purport to reconstruct the Japanese intergovernmental relations before and after the 2003 revision of the Local Autonomy Law in the context of a trilemma in local governance. In so doing, I lay out previous theoretical works on local governance and trace a unique path of intergovernmental relations in Japan, followed by an overview of local reforms and reorganizations since the Omnibus Law of Decentralization was launched in 2000. I conclude with my speculation about the prospect of Japanese local governance heightened by the overdue civic activism in recent years.
Song, Yi,Jeong, Sung Woo,Lee, Won Sup,Park, Semin,Kim, Yun-Hi,Kim, Gon-Sup,Lee, Soo Jung,Jin, Jong Sung,Kim, Chi-Yeon,Lee, Ji Eun,Ok, Se Yun,Bark, Ki-Min,Shin, Sung Chul Hindawi Publishing Corporation 2014 Journal of analytical methods in chemistry Vol.2014 No.-
<P>The Korean prostrate spurge <I>Euphorbia supina</I> is a weed that has been used in folk medicine in Korea against a variety of diseases. Nine polyphenols were characterized for this plant by using high-performance liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry (HPLC-MS/MS) and the results were compared with the literature data. The individual components were validated using the calibration curves of structurally related external standards and quantified for the first time by using the validated method. Correlation coefficients (<I>r</I><SUP>2</SUP>) were >0.9907. The limit of detection and limit of quantification of the method were >0.028 mg/L and 0.094 mg/L, respectively. Recoveries measured at 50 mg/L and 100 mg/L were 76.1–102.8% and 85.2–98.6%, respectively. The total amount of the identified polyphenols was 3352.9 ± 2.8 mg/kg fresh plant. Quercetin and kaempferol derivatives formed 84.8% of the total polyphenols. The antioxidant activities of the flavonoids were evaluated in terms of 1,1-diphenyl-2-picrylhydrazyl and 2,2′-azinobis(3-ethylbenzothiazoline-6-sulfonic acid) radical cation-scavenging activity, and the reducing power showed a dose-dependent increase. Cell viability was effectively suppressed at polyphenol mixture concentrations >250 mg/L.</P>