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Implementing the Recommendations of the COI Report, and Maintaining the Momentum
( Michael Kirby ) 연세대학교 법학연구원 공공거버넌스와 법센터 2017 연세 공공거버넌스와 법 Vol.8 No.2
The Centre for Australian Studies and the Korea-Australia Foundation in cooperation with the Graduate School of International Studies, Yonsei University hosted The Honourable Michael Kirby, on May 29, 2017, at Yonsei University. Michael Kirby is former Chair of the UN Commission of Inquiry on DPRK human rights and former Justice of the High Court of Australia. Under his leadership, the Commission published its “Report of the commission of inquiry on human rights in the Democratic People`s Republic of Korea”. He shares his own experiences of writing participating in the the report for the Commission of Inquiry on DPRK and features agendas for creating a brighter future in securing North Korea human rights, especially in the new era of President Moon Jae-in.
Kirby, K A,Singh, K,Michailidis, E,Marchand, B,Kodama, E N,Ashida, N,Mitsuya, H,Parniak, M A,Sarafianos, S G R. Wegmann 2011 Cellular and molecular biology Vol.57 No.1
<P>4'—Ethynyl—2—fluoro—2'—deoxyadenosine (EFdA) is the most potent inhibitor of HIV reverse transcriptase (RT). We have recently named EFdA a Translocation Defective RT Inhibitor (TDRTI) because after its incorporation in the nucleic acid it blocks DNA polymerization, primarily by preventing translocation of RT on the template/primer that has EFdA at the 3'—primer end (T/PEFdA). The sugar ring conformation of EFdA may also influence RT inhibition by a) affecting the binding of EFdA triphosphate (EFdATP) at the RT active site and/or b) by preventing proper positioning of the 3'—OH of EFdA in T/PEFdA that is required for efficient DNA synthesis. Specifically, the North (C2'—exo/C3'—endo), but not the South (C2'—endo/C3'—exo) nucleotide sugar ring conformation is required for efficient binding at the primer—binding and polymerase active sites of RT. In this study we use nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectroscopy experiments to determine the sugar ring conformation of EFdA. We find that unlike adenosine nucleosides unsubstituted at the 4'—position, the sugar ring of EFdA is primarily in the North conformation. This difference in sugar ring puckering likely contributes to the more efficient incorporation of EFdATP by RT than dATP. In addition, it suggests that the 3'—OH of EFdA in T/PEFdA is not likely to prevent incorporation of additional nucleotides and thus it does not contribute to the mechanism of RT inhibition. This study provides the first insights into how structural attributes of EFdA affect its antiviral potency through interactions with its RT target.</P>
RUSSIA IN THE GORBACHEV ERA: STILL LOOKING EAST
Kirby,Stuart The Institute for Far Eastern Studies Kyungnam Uni 1986 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.10 No.2
In 1986. Mr. Gorbachev's second year in power, the prospects for his new policy have become clearer. It is timely to asses them carefully. And especially from an Asian point of view, as the discussion is largely in Western-world terms, envisaging almost exclusively the relations between the United States and the Soviet Union as those of the Superpowers that are important, the Atlantic as the derisive hemisphere. In the metaphor of the theatre, that area is the highly lighted “upstage,” other parts of the world are more darkly “backstage” in the wings; or, in sports parlance, the “outfield.” This article confiders the posture of the Soviet Union, under its new and different leader, in its implications for Asia-as the title of this journal has It, the Asian perspective. That is a very important angle. People on the shores of the Atlantic can forget that the whole northern half of Asia is held by Russia, Asians cannot . The action there is not limited to Afghanistan today; the wide “Asian Drama,” never a one-act play set just in one locality continues in all its breadth, depth and complexity. It is necessary judge on that whole background the current position and aims of the USSR and what they imply for the Asian and Pacific world.
New World Order: A Flawed Strategy for Northeast Asia
( Stephen Kirby ) 한국국방연구원 1991 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.3 No.2
The transformation of Eastern Europe following the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the US-led UN enforcement action in the Persian Gulf has encouraged President Bush to articulate the vision of an emerging new world order. The vision is essentially Eurocentric and conservative in that it envisages the rehabilitation of the use of force to underpin an international system based largely on Western values and reflecting Europe`s recent experience. Nevertheless, President Bush argues that these should be the foundation of a global order. Given the origins of the vision, there are grave doubts that it can be translated to the very different conditions of the Northeast Asian regional system. The US preference for bilateral rather than multi- lateral relationships, the survival of Communist regimes in Asia, the different configurations of power and the difficulty of "containing" both the military potential of China and the economic might of Japan suggest that the European institutions and arrangements that have inspired the concept of a new world order have little relevance to Northeast Asia. In addition to this, the US, while accepting that its role in Europe will be changed by the dynamics of multilateral interaction, seeks to retain its Cold War relationships in Asia almost intact. Although encouraging allies in the region to increase their security capabilities and responsibilities, it has resisted the develop-ment of multilateral security arrangements. This may now work to the disadvantage of the region`s states which should use the oppor-tunity of the new world order debate to seek the development of those aspect of new-world-order thinking that will allow the outstand-ing security problems of the region to be resolved.
Consensus in Contemporary British Politics
Stephen Kirby 청주대학교 1987 한국사회과학연구 Vol.6 No.-
The conclusion that must be drawn from all this is that the substance of the post-war compromise has disappeared, but that the political values and processes that will support the rebuilding of a new consensus are still intact. At the party political level there is already common ground in terms of what has to change; state intervention in the economy, centralised planning, and the size of the welfare services, and although popular support for the Labour and Conservative parties has declined it has been to the benefit of the Liberal and social Democratic parties, themselves supporters of mainstream British political values. The small increase in political violence is best understood as the current manifestation of the cyclical rise and fall of social tensions that accompany economic reajustment. It is not that the broad and moderate centre of British politics has lost its majority ; simply that difficult economic circumstances have sapped its intellectual and political dynamism. But there are signs that its revival is underway.