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关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 -
Kim, Jaekwan Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2020 Analyses & alternatives Vol.4 No.1
This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".
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关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 -
Kim, Jaekwan Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2020 분석과 대안 Vol.4 No.1
This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".
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Kim, Jungdae,Lim, Jaekwan,Kim, Hongbae,Ahn, Saeyoung,Sim, Sung-Bo,Soh, Kwang-Sup Taylor Francis 2006 Electromagnetic biology and medicine Vol.25 No.2
<P>A scanning system for the detection of spontaneous ultraweak photon emission from nude mice with transplanted tumors is presented. A photomultiplier tube (PMT) with an effective area of 15 mm diameter was used for measuring photon emission in a wavelength range from 300 to 650 nm. Tumors were induced in nude mice by transplantation of an ovarian cancer cell line into the back of mice. The PMT was moved for scanning over the whole body of a mouse placed in a dark box. The profiles of the intensities of photon emissions from the tumor mice are presented and compared with those obtained from the control mice.</P>
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Kim, Kyeongmin,Nam, Ki-Ho,Lee, Jaekwan,Kim, Ho-Joong,Goh, Munju,Ku, Bon-Cheol,You, Nam-Ho Elsevier 2017 Carbon Vol.122 No.-
<P>We report an effective method for fabricating graphene-based multifunctional polyimide (PI) nano-composites via in situ polymerization, by the chemical defect-healing of pyridine functionalized reduced graphene oxide (H-Py-RGO). H-Py-RGO was successfully obtained through intramolecular cross-dehydrogenative coupling (ICDC). The mechanical properties, and thermal stability of the PI/H-Py-RGO nanocomposites were significantly improved compared with those of pristine PI film due to the restoration of the defect sites on the graphene surface, and the resulting high compatibility between the H-Py-RGO and the PI matrix. The tensile strength and modulus of the PI/H-Py-RGO nanocomposites with 1 wt% of added H-Py-RGO were increased by about 598% (883.5 MPa) and 535% (39.4 GPa) compared to those of pristine PI, respectively. Furthermore, 5 wt% H-Py-RGO loading resulted in a 91% reduction in the coefficient of thermal expansion (CTE) of the PI/H-Py-RGO nanocomposite. (C) 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.</P>
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바이든 정부의 대(對) 중국 외교정책에 대한 분석과 전망 : 미중 간 전략경쟁을 중심으로
김재관 ( Jaekwan Kim ) 한국외국어대학교 글로벌정치연구소 2021 글로벌정치연구 Vol.14 No.1
이 글은 바이든 정부의 신외교정책의 핵심과 주요 특징을 미중 전략경쟁에 초점에 두고 분석하고자 한다. 먼저 세부적으로 바이든 집권과 더불어 외교정책에서 어떤 변화와 특징이 있는지 살필 것이다. 그 다음으로 미국의 대외정책에서 가장 역점을 두고 있는대 중국정책인 “전략경쟁”의 정책적 함의가 무엇인지를 상세히 논구할 것이며, 부수적으로 전략적 협력 역시 다루고자 한다. 아울러 최근 중국의 정책을 바탕으로 바이든 행정부의 대 중국정책에 대한 중국의 인식과 대응 전략은 어떻게 나오고 있는지 살필 것이다. 이 연구는 바이든 정부 출범 이후에도 여전히 미중 간 전략 경쟁이 장기간에 걸쳐 지속될 것이라고 전망한다. 따라서 이 글은 양국 간에 어떤 전략과 정책들이 각축전을 벌일지 예상하는데 도움이 될 것으로 기대된다. 바이든 신정부의 외교정책은 최우선적으로 국내 문제 해결에 집중하고자 한다. 요컨대 이 정책은 국내적으로 Covid-19 이후 미국 내 경제회복, 분열된 미국 사회 내 민주주의 갱신, 그리고 중산층 형성을 위한 외교정책의 성격이 짙다. 대외적으로 볼 때, 외교정책 상의 가장 두드러진 특징은 미국이 글로벌 패권을 유지하기 위해 미중 간 전략경쟁을 선포하고 전면적으로 추진하고 있다는 점이다. 이 전략 경쟁의 특징은 미국이 중국과 신냉전을 추진하는 것이 아니다. 오히려 글로벌 차원에서 미국 주도의 ‘규칙 기반의 국제질서, 즉 자유주의적 국제질서에 중국이 따라오게 압박하는 것으로서 장기간에 걸쳐 전략경쟁을 추진할 것이라는 점이다. 따라서 미중 간 전략경쟁은 곧 중국을 견제하기 위한 목적 하에 미중 간의 글로벌 패권 및 규칙 기반의 국제질서의 주도권 경쟁의 성격이 짙다고 평가된다. 바이든 행정부가 트럼프 집권기에 실추되었던 미국의 글로벌 리더십을 회복하기 위해서는 3가지 요건이 필수적이다. 말하자면 동맹복원, 자유주의 국제질서의 강화, 다자주의 협력의 견지 등으로 미중 간 전략경쟁에서 우위를 확보하는 것이다. This article attempts to analyze the core and main characteristics of the Biden government’s new foreign policy, focusing on the US-China strategic competition. First, I will examine in detail what changes and characteristics exist in foreign policy along with Biden’s power. Next, I will discuss in depth what the policy implications of the “strategic competition”, which is the policy toward China, which is the most important US foreign policy, will be discussed in detail, and additionally, strategic cooperation will also be addressed. In addition, I will examine how China’s perception of the Biden administration’s policy toward China and its countermeasure strategy is emerging based on the recent Chinese policy. This study predicts that even after the inauguration of the Biden government, the strategic competition between the US and China will continue for a long time. Therefore, this article is expected to be helpful in predicting which strategies and policies will be contested between the two countries. The foreign policy of Biden’s new administration aims to focus primarily on solving domestic problems. In short, domestically, this policy has a strong character of foreign policy for the recovery of the economy in the United States after Covid-19, renewal of democracy in the divided American society, and the formation of the middle class. Externally, the most striking feature of foreign policy is that the United States is proclaiming and pursuing strategic competition between the United States and China in order to maintain global hegemony. The characteristic of this strategic competition is not that the United States is promoting the New Cold War with China. Rather, at the global level, the US-led “rules-based international order, that is, a liberal international order, is pushing China to follow, and will promote strategic competition over a long period of time. Therefore, the strategic competition between the United States and China is evaluated as having a strong character of competition for global hegemony between the United States and China and for the leadership of a rule-based international order with the aim of keeping China in check. Three requirements are essential for the Biden administration to restore U.S. global leadership, which had been undermined by Trump. In other words, by restoring the alliance, reinforcing the liberal international order, and maintaining a multilateral cooperation, the United States secures an edge in the strategic competition between the US and China.
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