Building a Maritime “Great Wall” to Contain China? Explaining Japan`s Recalibration of Risk with the Militarization of Okinawa

( Key Young Son ),( Ma Son Ra ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2013 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.37 No.3

In this article we aim to illustrate both the progress and the stalemates of the US and Japanese strategies to fortify the Okinawan Islands as a bulwark against China. As a conceptual tool to analyze the accommodation and resistance of militarization, we use the notion of a complex interplay of state, market, and societal actors, which showcases the process of mediating and recalibrating risks perceived by policymakers in Tokyo in response to the rise of China. In this process, risk has been shifted to individual stakeholders within society. We argue that the full-scale fortification of the Okinawan Islands will be hard to achieve because of the resistance of local residents and anti-base activists, as well as China`s military and commercial strategies to circumvent any form of blockade.

Geopolitics and Regionalism : Multihegemony, Sutured Regionness, and the US-China-Japan Triangle

( Key Young Son ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2016 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.40 No.1

The rise of nationalism, unresolved territorial disputes, an intricate system of alliances, and the perceived breakdown of the balance of power have been identified as the main causes behind the outbreak of World War I. They also are strikingly similar to the challenges East Asia faces today. Will history repeat itself and see East Asia sleepwalking into another hegemonic war? China’s future relations with the United States and Japan will be crucial for East Asia’s regional order, but its dispute with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands might lead to a regional war. I argue, however, that a major war is unlikely because pre?World War I Europe and today’s Northeast Asia are qualitatively different in terms of what I call multihegemony and sutured regionness. KEYWORDS: hegemony, multihegemony, sutured regionness, World War I, US-China-Japan triangle, Northeast Asia.

From a Garrison State to a Humanitarian Power?: Security Identities, Constitutive Norms and South Korea`s Overseas Troop Dispatches

( Son Key Young ) 한국국방연구원 2011 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.23 No.4

This article examines the transformation of South Korea`s international security identity from an anti-communist garrison state to a humanitarian power. Given the frequency of its choice of non-combat troops mobilized as part of alliance obligations and UN peacekeeping operations, South Korea can be classified as a state that has made the dispatch of non-combat troops a norm in the case of overseas power projection following the end of the Cold War. It argues that South Korea`s normative preference of dispatching non-combat forces on humanitarian and peacekeeping missions has played a constitutive role in crafting the state as an international humanitarian power, though in the initial stage of identity transformation. Given its rise as an economic powerhouse and its international security stature as a middle power, South Korea`s transformation of security identities holds strategic significance, not only for those on the Korean peninsula, but also for the United States and many other countries in the world. The article first analyzes South Korea`s garrison state identity of the Cold War period and the emerging humanitarian power identity by focusing on a shift in institutions and public opinions regarding the country`s overseas power projection. It concludes by critically reviewing South Korea`s international humanitarian activities and making a number of suggestions as to how it might emerge as a full-fledged international humanitarian power.

일본의 “보통국가”로의 전환과 동북아 안보협력을 위한 한국의 전략 : 지역안보협력과 “국가정체성이슈”의 연계(linkage)를 중심으로

손기영(Key-young Son) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2014 국제관계연구 Vol.19 No.1

이 연구의 목적은 아베 정권이 추진하고 있는 “보통국가”로의 전환이 동북아 안보아키텍처에 미치는 영향을 분석하면서 중견국가 한국이 모색해야 할 지역안보협력을 위한 전략적 틀을 제시하는 데 있다. 특히, 유럽의 헬싱키 프로세스의 출범 요인에 대한 분석을 통해 한 · 미 · 일 간의 “삼각동맹”에 따른 문제들과 한 · 중 · 일 간의 영토분쟁과 과거사문제를 연계시킴으로써 동북아 차원의 지역안보협력 프로세스를 추진해야 한다고 본다. 이 연구는 헬싱키 프로세스에서 나타난 이슈연계(issue linkage)에 주목하면서 동북아 지역의 초보적 안보아키텍처를 강화하기 위해 한국이 일정 부분 한 · 미 · 일 간의 “삼각동맹”에 관한 협의에 참가하면서, 이에 대한 반대급부로 한 · 중 · 일 협력의 선결조건이라고 할 수 있는 영토와 과거사 문제에 대한 일본의 전향적인 자세를 유도해야 한다고 본다. This article aims to analyze the Abe administration’s security strategies and their impact on the transformation of East Asia’s regional security architecture. Driven by his desire to build “a normal state,” Prime Minister Abe Shinzo has sought to strengthen the U.S.-Japan alliance and revise domestic laws and regulations to allow the Self-Defense Forces to engage in collective self-defense. This major shift in Japan’s security strategies, coupled with China’s rise, the U.S.’s “pivot to Asia,” and the lingering antagonism between the regional states over territorial jurisdiction and the interpretation of history, has led to an increasing level of instability in the region. This article proposes the “issue linkage” strategy, reminiscent of Europe’s Helsinki Process of multilateral security cooperation, as a way to address these issues in a comprehensive manner. This article argues that, as a middle power, South Korea needs to engage in the efforts to form the so-called “triangular alliance” with the United States and Japan while, at the same time, pressing the two countries to resolve the so-called ‘state identity issues’ and move positively to form a multilateral security cooperation mechanism in East Asia.

대만인의 탄생?: ‘자율성의 확대’라는 측면에서 본 집단 규범의 확산과 정체성 변화

손기영(Key-young Son) 고려대학교 평화와민주주의연구소 2022 평화연구 Vol.30 No.1

이 연구는 본토화, 대만화, 탈중국화, 민주화를 포함하는 대만인의 자율성 추구를 하나의 집단 규범으로 보면서 이 규범이 국제구조의 변화 및 정권교체로 인해 사회적으로 확산하는 과정을 추적한다. 대만인의 자율성이라는 규범은 일본이 주장한 ‘제국’, 국민당이 주장하는 ‘통일’, 또는 중국이 주장하는 ‘하나의 중국’이라는 타율적 혹은 강압적 규범과 대결하다가 규범 주창자라고 할 수 있는 당외(黨外) 세력과 민진당 정부와 같은 행동가 정부의 성공적인 활동에 힘입어 사회 전반으로 확산한다. ‘자율성의 확대’라는 집단 규범의 확산이 정체성 인식의 강화, 대만인의 정치 집단화, 민주화라는 콘텐츠의 생산, 미국을 비롯한 국제 사회의 지지, 그리고 대만의 경제적 성장으로 상당한 진전을 보았지만, 중국의 반대와 국제사회의 비협조로 제도화 단계에 접어들지 못했다. 아직, 정체성 변화의 완결이라고 할 수 있는 ‘대만인의 탄생’은 법적으로 실현되지 않았고 대만인의 정체성 위기는 앞으로도 계속될 것이다. This study looks at Taiwanese’s pursuit of autonomy, including indigenization, Taiwanization, de-sinicization, and democratization, as a collective norm, and traces the social spread of this norm due to the shift of international structure and regime change. The norm of autonomy of Taiwanese people managed to spread throughout the society thanks to the successful activities of the Tangwai movement and the activist Democratic Progressive Party government. Although the spread of the collective norm of ‘expansion of autonomy’ made considerable progress due to the strengthening of identity awareness, the political collectivization of Taiwanese people, the production of content called democratization, the support of the international community including the United States, and the economic growth of Taiwan, China’s opposition and an uncooperative attitude of the international community stopped it from evolving into the institutionalization stage. Yet, the ‘birth of Taiwanese’, which can be said to be the final stage of identity change, has not been legally realized, and the identity crisis for Taiwanese will continue in the future.

실패국가, 실패패권, 근대국가의 홀로코스트 삼중주 : 청일전쟁과 일본의 동학농민군 대량학살의 개념적 분석

손기영 ( Key-young Son ) 국민대학교 일본학연구소 2018 일본공간 Vol.24 No.-

이 연구는 청일전쟁 전후 동아시아 국제질서의 변용과 이러한 격변기에 일본군에 의해 학살당한 조선 민중에 대한 국제정치학 및 역사학적 분석이다. 이 연구는 학제적 분석을 시도함에 있어 역사학이 강조하는 1차 사료에 대한 수집 및 역사적 사실에 대한 국제정치학적 개념화도 추구할 것이다. 구체적인 연구 방법으로 국가 실패(state failure)라는 개념과 나치정권에 의한 유태인의 홀로코스트분석법을 이용하는 등 청일전쟁과 동학농민전쟁에 대해 국제적, 국가적, 민중 운동적 층위에서 접근한다. 이를 통해 일본군에 의한 최소 3만 명에서 최대 30~40만 명에 달하는 동학농민군과 양민의 학살이 어떤 국제적, 국내적 환경에서 가능 했는지를 재조명 할 수 있다. 이 연구는 한반도에서 실패국가(조선)와 실패패권(청)이 통치 위기를 유발하면서 근대국가(일본)의 침략성과 잔혹성에 의해 청일 전쟁과 동학농민군의 홀로코스트가 발생했다고 본다. This research analyzes the transformation of East Asia’s international order and the masses of Joseon as the victims of the era from the perspectives of international relations and historical studies. While conducting an interdisciplinary analysis to achieve cross-fertilization between the two academic disciplines, this research aims to undertake the collection of historical data and the conceptualization of historical facts. This research illustrates the Sino-Japanese War and the Donghak Peasants War from the international, national and popular movement levels by using the concept of “state failure” and the methods for analyzing the Holocaust of Jews. This approach sheds light on the international and domestic environment that made possible the genocide of the Donghak peasant armies and villagers whose victim count ranges from 30,000 to 300,000 to 400,000. It argues that the Sino-Japanese War and the Holocaust of the Donghak peasant armies and villagers were caused by a trio of a modern state(Japan), a failed state(Joseon) and a failed hegemony(Qing), with the former exhibiting aggressiveness and brutality and the latter two producing governance crises.

한반도 평화체제와 대북정책에 대한 중국과 한국의 공동전략비전

손기영(Son, Key-young) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2013 亞細亞硏究 Vol.56 No.3

This article aims to analyze the roles of South Korea and China as direct parties for the formation of a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. From the perspectives of the “divorce” between state identities and norms, this article argues that the failure of South Korea and China in forming their appropriate standards of behavior, or norms fitting their state identities contributed to an escalation of security crises through North Korea’s test of a nuclear device in February 2013. This article concludes that an increase of influences and contributions by South Korea and China as middle and great powers will help to alleviate the current crisis on the short term and contribute to the construction of a peace regime on the long term.

100년간의 위기? : 영국과 미국의 유일 패권 쟁취 과정이 21세기 미·중 패권 경쟁에 주는 함의

손기영(Son, Key-Young) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2020 亞細亞硏究 Vol.63 No.4

이 연구는 유일 패권이라는 관점에서 현재 진행 중인 미·중 패권 경쟁에 대해 새로운 시각을 제시한다. 역사적 접근법을 이용해 전 세계적 유일 패권을 형성했던 두 개의 국가인 영국과 미국의 패권국화의 경로를 조사한다. 먼저 21세기 패권 경쟁의 향방에 대한 최근의 논의를 소개한 후, 국제관계 이론을 이용해 패권에 대한 개념을 정리하고, 유일 패권의 형성 조건을 분석한다. 이러한 논의를 바탕으로 영국과 미국의 유일 패권화 과정을 경제력, 군사력, 지도력(leadership) 관점에서 정리한다. 영국과 미국의 사례로 볼 때 새로운 유일 패권의 형성은 기존의 예측과는 달리 오랜 시간이 걸릴 가능성이 크고, 경쟁국은 물론 주변국들도 패권 경쟁의 장기화에 대비할 필요성이 있음을 주장한다. This study presents a new perspective on the ongoing hegemonic competition between the United States and China in terms of sole hegemony. Using a historical approach, the path of hegemony of Britain and the United States, the two countries that formed the world’s sole hegemony, is investigated. First, a recent discussion on the direction of hegemonic competition in the 21st century is introduced, then the concept of hegemony is summarized using the theory of international relations, and the conditions for the formation of sole hegemony are analyzed. Based on these discussions, the formation of sole hegemony by Britain and the United States is illustrated in terms of economic power, military power, and leadership. Given the cases of Britain and the United States, it is highly likely that the formation of a sole hegemony will take quite a long time, contrary to previous predictions, and it is argued that rival countries as well as neighboring countries need to prepare for prolonged hegemony competition.

위계성, 자주성, 공동체론의 충돌과 조화

손기영(Son, Key-young) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2015 亞細亞硏究 Vol.58 No.2

With the twenty-first century unfolding as an era of power transition and uncertainty, what influences do the rise of China and East Asia have on international relations (IR) theories? If the IR theories of East Asian origin develop further, what impact will they have on questions regarding the Korean peninsula, including North Korea"s nuclear development and the Korean divide? This research will focus on the development of Chinese, Japanese, and Korean IR theories and aim to highlight a theory- building process which could potentially influence the questions surrounding the Korean Peninsula. It is argued that the development of East Asian IR, linked closely to the restructuring of power relations among China, Japan and South Korea, could contribute to inter-Korean cooperation, yet adversely affect Korean unification. This is because the restoration of a hierarchical order, which had become unstable with the end of the Cold War, could serve to pressure North Korea to change its system. The increase of China"s influence based on relationality will not lead immediately to the resolution of nuclear issues, but could help to prevent the recurrence of a nuclear crisis and find a means to its resolution in the long term, given China"s possible control of North Korea and desire to deter its nuclear development. Even though China"s status will rise from a perspective of the hierarchy of regional politics, Japan"s autonomous diplomacy, launched with the support of the United States, will work as a significant variable in handling North Korea"s nuclear issues and the Korean divide.

인정투쟁의 관점에서 본 동북아 국제관계와 규범공동체 형성

손기영(Key-young Son) 한국국제정치학회 2015 國際政治論叢 Vol.55 No.4