축,어에 관한 유가미학적(儒家美學的) 연구(硏究)

이창신 ( Chang Shin Lee ) 한국동양예술학회 2010 동양예술 Vol.15 No.-

Book of Rites, in Chapter on Akgi (Musical Instruments), defines the sounds of the six instruments(Do(도), Go(鼓), Gang(강), Gal(갈), Hun(壎) and Ji(지)) as sounds of virtue, and notes that through these instruments, social order can be established. Of these instruments, the philosophical meaning of Gang(강)·and Gal(갈) was examined. The names of Gang(강) and Gal(갈) are not currently used, but, according to Akhakgwebeom (musical cannon) and Heo Mok``s Gieon (sign language), Gang is another name of Chuk(축), and Gal(갈) is another name of Eo(禦); as such, the two instruments are all used when played on the floor of the Royal Palace. The philosophical meaning of Chuk(Gang) and Eo(Gal) can be defined as follows. First, Chuk and Eo have the attributes of Yang and Yin, respectively. Chuk is seen as Yang according to the instrumental system depicted in Akhakgwebeom and Akgi. Regarding Chuk, the two books agree on the instrumental system, but differ in the interpretation of measurement. Regarding the length of one side of the four directions, 2-ja 4-chi, Akhakgwebeom considers them to be numbers 2 and 4, and Akgi considers them to be 3×8; and, regarding the depth, 1-ja and 8-chi, Akhakgwebeom considers them to be 10 and 8, while Akgi considers them to be 2×9. These numbers are elaborated in the two books, and the attribute of Chuk, derived from these explanation, is Yang. In other words, the two books both consider that with Chuk used when music starts, Chuck has the attribute of Yang defeating Yin. Siakhwaseong(lit. Poetic Musical Harmony) sees Chuk as Jingwae described in Book of Changes, and explains its relation with Yang. Since Yang begins with Jingwae, Chuk is used when music starts, and since the direction of Jingwae is northeast, Chuk is positioned northeast, and Chuk(축) is composed of Mok(木) and Hyeong(兄), because Jin(震) has the attribute of Mok(木) and the first son. Eo(禦), as Gangwae(艮卦), has the direction of northwest, and is positioned northwest in Royal Palace music. Gangwae embeds the shape of a tiger, and thus Eo is shaped like a tiger. Thus, Eo is a thing of Yin character with the direction of west. Also, the Yin number 10 derived from the length(1-ja) of the stick defeats the numbers 3 and 9 derived from the number of Jeoeo, and thus Eo is understood to have the attribute of Yin. Eo, positioned west, symbolizes autumn, and autumn symbolizes Yin; thus Eo is understood to represent Yin. Second, human nature and mind are symbolized. Music consists in human nature and mind, and thus sound comes from the human mind. Sound comes only from the mind itself, not from external sources. In Akgi, this principle of producing sound is compared to the principle of Chuk producing sound. Chuk does not produce sound of its own accord, but is sounded only by external shock (club). In other words, the wooden case is compared to the human mind, and the club is compared to the external stimulus. Another name of Chuk, Gang(강), means accommodating and holding emptiness. Akhakgwebeom, in the preface, says that the starting point of music is emptiness; emptiness means the state wherein music has not yet begun, and has a thread of connection with the emptiness created inside the instrument Gang. As such, the name of Gang indicates that Chuk is the beginning of music. As such, Chuk has the attributes of human nature and mind. Third, the instruments contain the meaning of caution and temperance. Chubyeong(club) of Chuk is referred to as Ji(止) in Iya(爾雅), which means initial caution. It also means that even when music starts to play, the ending of it is already kept in mind, thus harmonizing music and preventing temperance from losing. Eo, as Gangwae, holds the meaning of ending appropriately. When Eo, symbolizing ending appropriately, is played, all social members are considered to be able to cultivate their own virtue. Fourth, the instruments symbolize 24 seasonal divisions of the year, and the universe. The one side length and depth of the four directions of Chuk symbolize the universe and four season circulation. The external color blue or five-direction color symbolizes the thought of Five Elements or the five elements of the universe. Fifth, the instruments symbolize the attribute of virtue. The letter, Chuk(축), comes from Jingwae(震卦) described in the Book of Changes. Jingwae, as Mok (木), the first son of Geongwae(乾卦). Thus, Chuk(축) is the combined letter of Mok(木) and Hyeong (兄). The direction of Jingwae(震卦), east, has the utmost virtue, thus helps the creation of all things. Therefore, the letter, Chuk, embraces the heaven``s will to create all things, and virtue makes the heaven``s will be fulfilled. The in-depth symbol of Chuk is virtue.

제 2차 세계대전 중 미국 내 일본인 강제 격리 수용소 생활과 그 이후

이창신 ( Chang Shin Lee ) 한국아메리카학회 2009 美國學論集 Vol.41 No.3

The primary purpose of this study is examining the experiences of Japanese Americans in the internment camps during World War Ⅱ and the aftermath. In particular, it discusses about the historical background of Executive Order Number 9066 and the process of relocation for the Japanese Americans, It also explains the harshness of the official treatment and the profound indignation felt by the internees in the camp. Furthermore, it also examines the change of family relations and the gender politics among the Japanese Americans through the World War Ⅱ. February 19, 1942, President Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order Number 9066. It incarcerated more than 120,000 Japanese Americans in internment camps, where they were held for an unspecified time. This action was taken against Americans of Japanese ancestry those who had not committed any crimes or been accused of taking any action to warrant such adverse treatment. When the decision to evacuate was made in February, 1942, no one in the government had any clear idea of what was going to happen to the Japanese American people. Compounding the mounting hatred, fear and suspicion of the Japanese Americans on the West Coast Were cynical manipulations of public opinion at many high levels of the government and the military. In 1942, hatred against the Japanese Americans was fueled by newspapers that usually discussed about the anti-Japanese feeling by American people. At the internment camps, evacuees were of the denied privacy in even the most intimate aspects of their lives. There were several organized and articulate resistance occurred in the camps. These challenges were crucial in defining the history of the internment. They demonstrated the importance of a basic requirement of democracy. The protesters said that the camps, the mass exclusion, and detention of Japanese Americans tore the fabric of the democracy and that such tears needed repair. The political and social conditions of Japanese American family were radically transformed by the internment and post-war economic developments. Most of the changes served to weakened traditional structures of control in the family and community. The internment eroded the political economic basis of patriarchal authority, The issei father`s alien status and inability to speak English disqualified him from acting as head of household in relation to the Caucasian administrators and bureaucrats who controlled the internees` lives. The nisei became the mediators and official representatives of the family unit. All members of the conjugal family, women and men, parents and children alike, were fed and housed by the government and no longer had to rely on the family unit for their material wants. The post-war resettlement brought further changes. Geographic dispersion weakened the power of the ethnic community to reinforce traditional family values. The wartime evacuation is now history and has been judged one of the most shameful episodes of American history-indeed, one its most egregious mistakes, The ultimate tragedy of the mistake was that the U.S. government betrayed not only the Japanese people but all Americans. It clearly deserves the condemning the actions of the government that led to the evacuation and the internment of the citizens of the Japanese descent. Ultimately, it damaged the essence of the democratic beliefs on which the country was founded.

악의 개념과 젠더정치 : 17 세기 뉴잉글랜드 지방의 마녀사냥

이창신(Chang Shin Lee) 한국미국사학회 2001 미국사연구 Vol.13 No.-

The primary purpose of this study is to examine the history of witchcraft and witch-hunting in the seventeenth-century New England region. It is particularly focusing on the relationships between the gender and witch-hunting. The courts in Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Haven ordered the execution of fifteen people between 1648 and 1663. When the hysteria at Salem came to an end, almost two hundred people had been named as witches in that massive outpouring of suspicion and self-doubt. Though the Salem witch trials were a turning point, village people continued to accuse their neighbors of witchcraft until the early in eighteen century. After the Salem outbreak, however, witchcraft beliefs and prosecutions were no longer sanctioned in the larger culture. The prosecution of women as witches occurred in a society in which men exercised substantial authority-legal, political, ideological and economic-over women. While some New England women shared in the material benefits and social status of their fathers, husbands and even sons, most women were economically dependent on the male members of their families throughout their lives. The people who were healers and midwives in the seventeenth-century New England seem to have been especially vulnerable to the accusation of witchcraft. The ability to heal or tell fortunes was morally ambiguous. The power to heal also could be the power to do harm. The vulnerability of women also stemmed in part attitudes about women`s sexuality and their role as mothers. Whatever the relevant factors, the response of the colonists in the seventeenth-century New England, like the response of Europeans in general, was to assume that women were peculiarly drawn to witchcraft and the devil. Acceding to the legal system, witchcraft was defined as a crime on the basis of the devil`s compact. The old fear of female sexual power had not disappeared. Indeed, the increasing emphasis on women`s lack of sexual power was simply a new way diminishing it, part of a larger eighteen-century reconstruction of womanhood. Woman-as-evil had gradually taken on not a single but a dual shape-one formed by race, the other by class. By the nineteen century, black and poor white women were viewed as embodying many of the characteristics of the witch: they were increasingly portrayed as seductive, sexually uncontrolled, and threatening to the social and moral order. Accusations of Devil worship were sometimes viewed as Cod`s way of punishing women for illicit sexual behavior. New Englanders associated witchcraft not just with sexual fantasy, fornication, and adultery, but also with bearing illegitimate children, with abortion, and with infanticide-sins attributed to women almost exclusively. Witch-hunting was an ever present reality in the seventeenth-century New England. Though some men were executed as witches during the period of witch hunting, most of those who died in the name of witchcraft were women. The gender politics of witch-hunting is strikingly evident in cases that occurred in New Errand region. The history of the witch hunting provide the ideas about women, with fears about women, with the place of women in society, and with women themselves. The witch-hunting was the systematic violence against women.

미국 남북전쟁의 연금제도와 전쟁 미망인에 관한 여성사적 고찰 , 1862 - 1900

이창신(Chang Shin Lee) 덕성여자대학교 사회과학연구소 1996 사회과학연구 Vol.4 No.-

U.S. Immigration Act of 1965 and Asian Brain Drain

이창신(Chang-Shin Lee) 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2011 영미연구 Vol.25 No.-

Of the several immigration reforms in the United States, the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments in particular has been regarded as the most crucial turning point in immigration policy. It generated the most substantial changes both in quality and quantity of immigrants in the recent history of the U.S. The primary focus of this paper is an analysis of the 1965 Immigration Act and its significant effects upon American society as well we on the affected Asian countries. A major effect of the 1965 Immigration policy was the Asian “brain drain.” This refers to the migration of highly skilled and educated immigrants, especially those from three major Asian countries, Taiwan, the Philippines, and South Korea in the period from 1965 to 1976. While the brain drain in general resulted in economic benefits for the United States, it created major controversy in terms of its moral and economic implications for the sending Asian countries. While the shortterm consequences of the loss of scientists and technicians were probably minimal for some developing countries, the brain drain during 1965-1976 posed increased economic problems in others. As late as 1976, it seemed to threaten to retard the economic development of the home countries by creating shortages of vitally needed, highly skilled personnel. As a major recipient of the brain drain, the United States faced a paradox. On one hand, the United States promoted the economic well-being of Third World countries by foreign aid, technical assistance, and the Peace Corps during the 1960s and 1970s; on the other hand, as the recipient of professionals, scientists and engineers, and medical personnel, it seemed to take away the very kinds of people the developing countries needed to sustain their growth. During the 1960s and 1970s, the brain drain was perceived in Asia and America as threatening the future of economic development of these developing countries.

논문 / 미국 여성과 여성사 : 성 , 젠더 , 그리고 차이의 역사학

이창신(Chang Shin Lee) 한국미국사학회 1999 미국사연구 Vol.10 No.-

Inspired initially by the social movements of the 1960s and the 1970s, some American historians redefined the very nature of historical study. The rise of social history has shifted the focus to ordinary people, including women and minorities. Social historians examine all kinds of sources, including city directories and house-by-house censuses, in order to construct a meaningful past for groups who could not speak for themselves. Social historians argue that we cannot develop a comprehensive vision of history unless we study the lives of ordinary people. The second wave of American women`s movement in the 1960s revealed the neglect of the historical activities of women. Influenced by the women`s movement, important fields of women`s studies developed not only in history but also in education, sociology, philosophy, and political science. History, however, was the outstanding field. Hundreds of universities offered women`s history courses and many women`s historians specialized their fields. Women`s history often addressed daily-life experience such as sex, courtship, childbirth, and child rearing. Women`s history scholarship has also changed many other areas of history. It does not simply add women to the pictures we already have the past but repainting the pictures in many ways. The primary purpose of this study is to examine the historiography of the American women`s history. In so doing, this study discusses retrospect and prospect. Even though the American women`s history became a specialized field in the 1970s, there have been many historical writings about women since the 19th century. For instance, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony energetically collected evidence of the women`s movement of their own time. They published six large volumes, entitled $quot;History of Woman Suffrage.$quot; In 1933, Mary Beard edited a documentary collection, $quot;American Through Women`s Eyes.$quot; She argued that an accurate understanding of the past required that women`s experience be analyzed with as much as historians normally devoted to the experience of men. She wrote a half century ago $quot;woman has always been acting and thinking at the center of life.$quot; The explanation about American women`s historiography in this study was mainly based on the Gerda Lerner`s viewpoint. However, it also included various studies. Historian Gerda Lerner suggested that the writing of women`s history can be arranged in four stages of development. The first stage she called $quot;compensatory history,$quot; in which the historian attempt to identify women and their activities. In the decade of the 1970s, some historians began to search for women whose work and experiences deserved to be more widely known. The next level was $quot;contribution history,$quot; in which historians described women`s contribution to topics, issues, and themes that have already been determined to be important. The work of contributory history was very important in connecting women to major movements in the past such as Hull House movement and Lowell Factory labor movement. Julia C. Spruill wrote important books that established women`s participation in and contribution to significant developments in American history about the urbanization and industralization. The third stage of women`s history was developed in the 1970s and the early 1980s. In this stage, historians attempted to rewrite the historical narrative. Final stage initiated in the late of 1980s, many historians introduced the concept of the $quot;Gender$quot; to interpret the women`s history. Historians increasingly asked questions about how people constructed meaning for their historical experience, and how difference between the sexes operated to shape the construction of meaning. Women`s history also suggested a more complex understanding of traditional categories of historical interpretation. As a major historian, Joan Scott analysed that gender itself is a social construction and history h

경제 대공황기 젠더체계와 미국여성: 여성 고용정책과 정치 네트워크 형성을 중심으로

이창신 ( Chang Shin Lee ) 한국미국사학회 2003 미국사연구 Vol.17 No.-

The depression decade of the 1930s continues to fascinate successive generations of Americans. For historians, the peiod provides an opportunity to analyze the collective response of American society to the social and economic trauma of the Great Depression, and to trace the depression`s impact on individuals and institutions. Practically every aspect of the New Deal has been studied extensively-economic policy, agriculture, labor, foreign affairs, politics, relief and social security. Yet there is a significant gap in our Knowledge of the New Deal. In the conventional histories of the period, women are hardly mentioned. This omission is misleading, because the New Deal offered greatly expanded roles for women`s networks brought to light by the recent interest in women`s history. Why a network developed among this remarkable group of women in public life, how their network influenced politics and social welfare initiatives in the 1930s, and how these develpments related to the broader context of the New Deal are the major themes of this study. The New Deal brought to Washington a remarkable group of women who would rise to positions of power and prominence in many of the new government agencies. Eleanor Roosevelt was the foremost member of the women`s network in the 1930s. Her institutional role as First Lady, her willingness to use her public position to push for reforms, and her ability to inspire loyalty in friends and colleagues placed her at the center of this growing New Deal political sisterhood. It is difficult to imagine the progress that occured for women in the 1930s without Eleanor Roosevelt in the White House. As a goup these women had much in common. The similarities of their backgrounds and career patterns formed the basis for shared attitudes toward feminism, social reform, and the role of government. Many of these women had known each other from social welfare and reform activities during the Progressive period and the woman suffrage campaign. The interaction of these women, on both the personal and the professional level, led to what can be described as a network of women within the New Deal. This network among women in politics and government in the 1930s became an important force in enlarging women`s influence in the New Deal. women made important contributions to the planning and administration of the New Deal`s social welfare programs. 1930s have been described as a bleak period for women. Because of the absence of an organized women`s movement in the decade, historians have often skipped straight from the winning of suffrage in 1920 to the revival of feminism in the 1960s. The decade of the 1930s rarely receives more than a passing glance. The few general descriptions of women`s experiences during the period usually concentrate on job discrimination against women workers during the depression. As women`s participation in the New Deal suggests, old attitudes about the lack of feminist activity in the 1930s also require reconsideration. The outstanding characteristic of women`s participation in the New Deal was the development of a `network` of friendship and cooperation among the women, which maximized their influence in politics and government. The political network, which had its roots in generation`s common experiences in the political and social welfare activities in the 1920s, flourished within the experimental climate of the New Deal. No longer can the New Deal be protrayed as strictly a male affair.

남북 전쟁의 여성사적 접근 - 남부 지방 여성들의 활동을 중심으로 -

이창신 ( Chang Shin Lee ) 한국미국사학회 1998 미국사연구 Vol.8 No.-

미국 혁신주의 시대의 환경운동과 젠더의식에 관한 연구: 시카고 도시환경을 중심으로

이창신 ( Lee Chang-shin ) 한국미국사학회 2021 미국사연구 Vol.54 No.-

This paper attempts to study on gender politics and environmental activism in the progressive era. In so doing, this study focuses on Chicago club women and Hull House reformers who began to work for the environmental justice movement during the progressive era. Women reformers refused to rely on the ideology of true womanhood. They rather insisted on the ‘maternalist politics,’ pushing beyond conventional expectations of women’s roles and status in society. Maternalism is the public expression of domestic values associated with motherhood. It defines itself as the extension of feminine moral values of nurture and home’s social caring into an larger community. Whatever their differences club women, reformers, and feminists supported woman suffrage. There were also the gender differences in Chicago’s environmental questions such as lakefront development, urban cleanliness, air pollution, and housing problem. Men attempted to have an efficient method of administration while women concerned about the welfare of the people in Chicago. Environmental justice movement became an important component of Hull House movement. Jane Addams and Mary McDowell were major leaders in the movement. Progressive women who insisted in environmental justice and equality made a splendid beginning for the woman suffrage.

제 2 차 세계 대전 중 미국정부의 이미지 전략과 젠더 이데올로기

이창신(Chang Shin Lee) 한국미국사학회 2002 미국사연구 Vol.15 No.-

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