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Secondary Electron Emission of ZnO Films
최진성,Sung Kwang Lee,Joon Ho Choi,Eun Ha Choi,정난주,김윤기 한국진공학회 2015 Applied Science and Convergence Technology Vol.24 No.6
We investigated secondary electron emission characteristics of ZnO thin films prepared by pulsed laser deposition method with respect to the ambient oxygen pressure and the substrate temperature during the deposition. X-ray diffraction, UV-Vis spectrometry, atomic force microscopy, and γ-FIB were used to examine the structural, optical transmission, surface morphology, and secondary electron emission properties of the films, respectively. The secondary electron emission coefficient of the ZnO films increases as the O/Zn ratio of the films increases which was thought to result from either the ambient oxygen pressure increase or the substrate temperature decrease and as the grain size of the films decreases. It was confirmed that ZnO has better secondary electron emission characteristics than those of MgO, which is currently widely used as a material for PDP protecting layers.
최진성(Jin Seong Choi) 한국지역지리학회 2006 한국지역지리학회지 Vol.12 No.1
본 연구의 목적은 일제강점기의 神社와 관련해 지배적 이데올로기와 장소 사이의 관계를 고찰하는데 있다. 조선신사는 일제의 內鮮一體를 달성키 위한 식민지배 전략 중 하나로서 공간적으로는 중일전쟁(1937년) 이전까지 개항장을 비롯한 전국의 중요 도시들에 51개의 신사들이 세워졌으며, 당시의 철도체계와 연계해서 해안과 내륙의 주요 도시들을 연결한 일종의 "신사 네트워크"였다. 또한 시각적으로 이 신사들은 도시의 조망이 탁월한 구릉에 대부분 입지하였으며, 일본인 거류지를 포함한 식민지 경관들과 인접하였다. 이 신사들에 안치된 天照大神과 明治天皇은 응시의 주체로서 지배자를, 그리고 피식민지인들은 응시의 대상으로 전락하였음을 상징하였다. 이러한 점들로 미루어 신사는 식민지 지배를 위한 감시 장치였다고 할 수 있다. 사례지역인 전주는 공간적으로 호남평야의 중심도시로서 전라선 철도와 연계되었다. 또한 전주신사는 전주읍성의 서문 밖에 위치한 多佳山(65m) 구릉의 정상에 세워져 전망이 탁월하였으며, 일본인 거류지를 비롯한 식민지 경관들과 인접하였다. 그런데 광복이 되자 전주신사가 시민들에 의해 해체되었다. 이것은 훼손된 민족 정체성을 회복시키고자 노력한 시민들의 저항 담론의 결과였다. 그 장소에는 대신 충혼탑과 가람 시비가 세워짐으로써 다가산은 일제의 신사가 세워졌던 장소에서 국가 및 민족 정체성을 상징하는 장소로 탈바꿈하였다. 이런 관점에서 정치적 이데올로기가 경관을 통해 장소에 재현된다고 할 수 있다. This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.