한중 관계와 사드 그리고 북핵

차창훈 제주평화연구원 2017 JPI Research Series Vol.40 No.-

중국의 역사적 통합전략, 집합지식과 일대일로

차창훈 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

This article describes the cultural factor that integrates China with framework of collective knowledge, which was proposed by constructivist Alexander Wendt. Collective knowledge is more than common knowledge and creates macro-structural pattern of actor’s behavior as time goes by. In China, Zou dynasty established the Heaven thought, which authorized the rule of Heaven’s son in political community. The collective knowledge of Middle Kingdom and Chinese nationalism not only integrates China as one political community but also expand its imperial territory. The commonly shared belief that surrounding barbarians has entitled to rule middle kingdom even by military conquer was inherited to generations, which made constitutive effects throughout Chinese history. The collective knowledge of Middle Kingdom and Chinese nationalism do not exist any more in Modern China. Belt & Road Initiative was proposed in 2013. It is embodied in conceptualization of a community of common destiny, and the four basic norms of Chinese surrounding foreign policy as friendship(親), faithfulness(誠), benefits(惠), and tolerance(容). The approach reminds us of ancient Chinese imperialism and a newly adjusted common knowledge, which Chinese state wants to create in current history.

[특집 : 대선후보 3인 통일외교안보 정책] 문재인 후보, 한반도평화수성과 남북경제연합, 평화통일 향한 실천적 로드맵

차창훈 평화문제연구소 2012 통일한국 Vol.347 No.-

2010년 연례학술회의를 성공리에 마치며...

차창훈 한국국제정치학회 2010 한국국제정치학회소식 Vol.- No.137

2010 DMZ PEACE CONGRESS를 성공리에 마치며...

차창훈 한국국제정치학회 2010 한국국제정치학회소식 Vol.- No.136

후진타오 시대의 중국정치

차창훈 부산대학교 중국연구소 2006 Journal of China Studies Vol.1 No.-

21세기 중국의 외교정책 - 국내외적 환경변화와 전략과 목표를 중심으로

차창훈 한국정치외교사학회 2007 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.29 No.1

20세기 후반의 50여년 동안 마오쩌둥, 덩샤오핑, 장쩌민, 후진타오로 이어지는 권력승계와 함께 점진적이고 중요한 중국 외교정책의 변화는 국제 정치이론적인 측면뿐만 아니라 21세기 중국의 외교 행위와 관련하여 중요한 의미를 가진다. 중국 외교정책의 투입과정에 영향력을 행사할 수 있는 다양한 국내적 국제적인 요인들이 증가하였다. ‘제4세대’ 지도자들은 집단 지도체제를 통하여 권력의 분산과 협의의 통치를 통해 중국 정치과정의 제도화와 엘리트 민주주의를 더욱 촉진시키고, 개방적인 대외인식을 바탕으로 중국의 국제사회 편입을 가속화시킬 것으로 평가받는다. 중국 외교정책의 결정과정에 참여하고 영향력을 행사하는 중국의 관료기구와 전문가는 다양해지고, 복잡해지는 양상을 보이게 되었다. 민족주의의 표출 등 국내 여론이 외교정책결정과정에서 갖는 상대적 중요성은 증대되었고, 개혁개방의 과정에서 성정부의 이해관계와 역할이 증대되면서 외교정책에 영향력을 행사하는 새로운 행위자로 등장하였다. 경제적 상호의존성이 심화되는 국제체제의 구조와 환경, 군축, 인권 등 국제레짐은 중국이 고려해야 될 중요한 국제적 환경요인이 되었다. 대만문제와 같은 주권과 영토문제, 현실주의적 사고 등 중국 외교정책의 변화하지 않는 지속성을 간과해서는 안 되지만, 중국이 국제체제에 편입하면서 그 제약조건에 순응하면서 대응하고자 했던 변화의 폭과 내용을 과소평가할 수는 없다. 중국 외교정책의 목적은 주권과 영토보전, 국가통일(대만문제), 사회주의 체제와 이데올로기 유지라 할 수 있다. 이러한 목적을 달성하기 위한 중국 외교정책의 전략은 첫째, 현대화와 경제발전에 유리한 평화롭고 안정적인 국제환경을 조성하고, 둘째, 미국을 중심으로 한 서구세력의 봉쇄정책을 저지하고 국제적 영향력을 확대하며, 셋째, 오랜 현대화의 숙원인 중국식 사회주의 건설을 통해 강대국의 위상을 되찾는 것이다. 21세기 세계화시대 중국 외교정책은 국제레짐과 다자기구 등을 통해서 주변국들과 평화와 번영을 위한 공통의 이해관계를 형성하기 위한 노력을 요청받고 있다. The second half of the twentieth century witnessed a gradual and important change in the Chinese foreign policy-making process as it successively moved through the eras of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. This shift is not only of theoretical importance but also has significant consequence for China s international behavior in the early twenty-first century. The fourth Generation leadership is estimated to promote political institutionalization and elite democracy by means of collective power distribution and consensus building. With the new generation s open mindset toward the world, diversification of foreign policy organs have made China more participant and its policy more complicated. Public opinion, often expressed by nationalism, and decentralized, relatively autonomous, province government are playing more important roles in foreign policy-making process. International system, economic interdependence and international regimes such as environment, arms control and human rights, are getting more significant factors that China should face. Although we should see the persistent factors of Taiwan issue, sovereignty and realpolitik thinking in Chinese foreign policy, we can not underestimate the positive consequences. The purpose of Chinese foreign policy is to preserve national sovereignty, territorial integrity including unification with Taiwan and socialist system. China s strategy is to firstly sustain peaceful environment for economic development, secondly to derail western containment and increase international influential power, and thirdly to become great power, longtime dream since opium war. Chinese foreign policy in the age of globalization is required to create common interest for international peace and prosperity in the framework of multilateralism and international regime.

軍 정신전력교육·문화예술활동·홍보(공보) 활동·조직 연구에 대한 메타분석

차창훈 국방정신전력원 2023 정신전력연구 Vol.- No.75

This study is the result of a meta-analysis of existing studies on mental force Military motivation training, cultural & artistic activities, public relations and public affairs, and PAO activity and organization in the military. Meta-analysis is a method of analyzing and evaluating existing literature. Meta-analysis and is widely used as a literature research tool in various academic fields. Meta-analysis is a very important task. The reason is that it will not be easy to draw a unified conclusion if the literature related to the research project conflicts with each other, and as a researcher, it is necessary to compare and analyze all available literature to understand how the research results differ. Considering the characteristics of the mental force military motivation research, it is necessary to seek the direction, systemicity, and scalability of the military combat power development research discussion by trends through systematic and integrated analysis. Research papers of the past 10 years were analyzed in order to search for ideas for new discussions on mental force military motivation training, cultural & artistic activities, public relations and public affairs, and PAO organization in the military. As a result, research on mental force military motivation training in the military is increasing quantitatively, and research culture, public relations, public affairs is very lacking. In addition, many of the papers were of a necessary and normative nature, and there was a relatively relative lack of qualitative research compared to quantitative research. The expansion of the theoretical concept in the field of mental force military motivation research and the improvement strategy for each field are required. This study is significant in that it is a vast, comprehensive, and analytic meta-analysis of recent research on mental force training, cultural & artistic activities, public relations and public affairs, and PAO organization in the military, and it is hoped that the spread of the research public debates and development of research culture in this field will continue. 본 연구는 군(軍)의 정신전력교육, 문화예술활동, 홍보 및 공보활동, 공보정훈 조직에 관한 기존 연구를 메타분석한 결과이다. 메타분석(meta-analysis)은 기존 문헌을 분석하고 평가하는 방법이다. 메타분석은 다양한 학문 분야에서 문헌연구 수단으로 널리 이용되고 있다. 메타분석은 매우 중요한 과업이다. 이유는 연구과제와 관련된 문헌들이 서로 상충한다면 단일한 결론을 끌어내기는 쉽지 않을 것이며, 연구자로서 연구 결과들이 어떻게 서로 다른지 이해하기 위해 가능한 모든 문헌들을 비교하고 분석할 필요가 있기 때문이다. 군(軍)의 무형전력(無形戰力) 연구의 특성을 고려, 체계적이고 통합적인 분석으로 경향성이나 동향 등을 파악하여 군(軍) 전투력 발전 연구 논의의 방향성과 체계성, 확장성 등을 모색할 필요가 있다. 비교하고 분석할 필요가 있기 때문이다. 군(軍)의 무형전력(無形戰力) 연구의 특성을 고려, 체계적이고 통합적인 분석으로 경향성이나 동향 등을 파악하여 군(軍) 전투력 발전 연구 논의의 방향성과 체계성, 확장성 등을 모색할 필요가 있다. 군(軍)의 정신전력교육과 문화 및 홍보(공보)활동, 이를 추진하는 조직 등의 새로운 논의를 위한 사고의 모색을 위하여 지난 10여년 간의 관련 논문을 분석하였다. 그 결과 군의 정신전력교육 연구는 양적으로 증가하고 있고, 문화예술 및 홍보(공보)활동 분야의 연구가 부족한 실정이다. 또한 논문의 다수가 당위적이고 규범적인 성격이 많았으며, 양적연구에 비해 상대적으로 질적연구가 부족했다. 무형전력(無形戰力) 연구 분야의 이론적 개념의 확장과 분야별 활성화 개선 전략이 요구된다. 본 연구는 군(軍)의 정신전력교육, 문화예술활동, 홍보(공보)활동, 공보정훈 조직 연구의 최근 연구에 대한 방대하고 종합적·분석적인 메타분석이라는 점에서 의의가 크며, 관련 분야의 공론장(公論場) 형성과 연구 문화 확산이 이어지길 기대한다.

China’s Search for Ideological Values in World Politics: Chinese Adaptation to Liberal Order Drawn from Political Reports of the Chinese Communist Party Congress since 1977

차창훈 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2017 Pacific Focus Vol.32 No.3

The United States and China have now become the world’s leading countries but, problematically, there is no strategically shared consensus among policymakers and scholars in these countries on how to manage the bilateral relationship or the international system in the long term. This “G-2”- style entity, effectively a hegemonic condominium or duopoly, could stably manage the international system and short-circuit a hegemonic war between the dominant and rising powers. China’s adaptation to international liberal order has appeared in Chinese Communist Party Congress (CCPC) documents during the last four decades. From the 11th CCPC in 1977 to the 18th CCPC in 2012, there were many changes in Chinese terminology seeking its ideological values in world politics. Traditional terminology of the Marxist–Leninist worldview was replaced with China’s new political ideology based on material interest; meanwhile, China’s historical theme of peace and development underlies the basic position of Chinese foreign policy. Negating hegemonic power still often offers a traditional view of world politics and China has proposed more positive terminologies about international relations rather than merely criticizing US hegemony and the inequalities of the global distribution of power. According to the political report of the Chinese Communist Party, China has revised its position and adapted a more active engagement to international liberal order. The foreign affairs section of the CCPC political report reveals a significant increase in interest-oriented terminology, which engages with the current Western liberal order. The world should look forward to learning about how China supports liberal order and cooperates with the United States in global politics.

A World of Our Making: Constructivist Understanding of China's Arms Control and Disarmament Policy

차창훈 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2006 Pacific Focus Vol.21 No.23

Constructivism maintains that the world is socially constructed by human practice, and seeks to explain how this construction takes place by stressing the importance of intersubjective meanings and understandings and the interaction between agent and structure. This article employs the norm as an intersubjective meaning built into domestic milieu in order to understand the constitutive process of the norm's impact. As an aggregate of the interaction between states and international institutions (regimes) in a certain time span, the concept of a “constitutive dynamism” between state and institution illuminates how the individual state's interest could be influenced and transformed. The Chinese perspective on the international ACD agenda diversified and significantly transformed into a more norm‐oriented direction. The norm‐bound belief spreads more and more among the ACD experts once the ACD regimes won “universal reality” which international society approved. The dynamism, which integrates the social structuring of international relations by reconstructing the state (agent) and the international system (structure), provides a tool for comparative analysis, which differs from existing rationalist approaches. This would make it possible for IR researchers to draw a more complete picture of the interaction in our interdependent world, which is now undergoing a sovereignty‐blurring phenomenon.