“朝鮮半島新和平構想”與朝韓關係

Tan, Hong-Mei 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2010 동북아연구 Vol.25 No.1

韓李明博總統繼提出“無核、開放、3000”對朝政策後,又於2009年8月15日在光復節64周年紀念致辭中,提出將推進實施“朝鮮半島新和平構想”。這一新構想並非只是緩和當時朝韓緊張關係的一時權宜之策,而是對朝政策之基礎。李明博試圖擺脫金大中的政治框架,建立一個全新的朝鮮半島對話機制,這種政治對話方式試圖營造一種完全由韓國主導的態勢。文章擬對新和平構想提出背景、內容特點、深層用意以及推進前景作一分析。

북한의 사회통제 담론과 문화냉전의 논리 -‘풍속’ 관련 담론들을 중심으로-

한재헌 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

This paper examined the structure and logic of North Korea's discourse related to customs through the Cold War as a culture, establishment of social order in Cold War, and the division of nationalism of sentiments(passions). The censorship and crackdown of customs are closely related to the process of forming the ‘subjectivity’ of North Koreans by the medium of the areas of everyday life and culture with the aim of ‘modernization’ and ‘socialist man’, in a huge movement of North Korea’s nation and system formation. The process of ‘modernization’ embeded the ambivalent attitude of ‘capitalism’ represented by Western culture, and it appeared on the one hand as the desire for material modernization, but on the other hand as the political one concerning the loss of inherent ethnic sentiments, aesthetics, spirit or soul. And this ‘mechanics of subjectivation’ of customs censorship and crackdown was to use the legacy of colonial and Japanese colonial fascism as a modified form, and it was the mixed formation process of governmental technology connected with the unique cultural Cold War and nationalism relating ‘degenerate/disruption’ symbolically with American imperialism and South Korea, at the same time, including the socialist modernization ideology that formed a new human form.

Governing the Atom: State, Society, and the Nuclear Power System in South Korea

송경아,Hoon C. Shin 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

Since the construction of the first nuclear power reactor in 1970, the Korean state has played an entrepreneurial role not only in expanding the material scale of nuclear power system but in also crafting ideology and organizations to maintain a large-scale technological infrastructure. Building on the observation that the last two democratic governments (2003-2008; 2008-2013) adopted divergent approaches to the management of nuclear power system, this article tackles the following questions: how and why they chose different policies; how did the structure of Korean nuclear power system change as a result? To answer these questions, this article presents an analytical framework whose underlying idea is that a nuclear policy is formed through the intertwined dynamics of the state, societal contexts, and a technological system. In the Korean context where state-led development of technology coexists with a changing democratic environment, the state is situated both within a technology and in society. This dual position of the Korean state leads us to a better understanding of a nuclear policy in relation to the interaction between technology and society mediated by the state. This article finds that the two governments eventually contributed to entrenching the Korean nuclear power system despite their policy discrepancies.

6·25전쟁기 한국의 공군력 확충 노력 - 1951년 ‘항공기헌납기금모집운동’을 중심으로 -

강창부,이지원,임혁 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

This research deals with the voluntary effort of the R.O.K Air Force to increase its airpower during the Korean War. The major policy of the Korean government for building its airpower since its establishment in 1948 was "cultivating human resources first, procuring aircraft next". The Korean government asked U.S.A. a series of military aids after having obtained human resources and organizations through the establishment of the Army Aviational Academy(later Air Force Academy) and the R.O.K. Air Force in 1949. However, the Korean government first had to procure ten AT-6 aircraft through a national fundraising movement between 1949 and 1950 in order to train airmen properly. With the outbreak of the Korean War, the strengthening of airpower became an urgent business. Poor training of aircrew increased the rate of aircraft losses, and the increased loss of aircraft in turn worsened the condition of training of aircrews. Under such circumstances, the Korean government, most notably its Air Force, again resorted to a national fundraising movement for the procurement of aircraft. The movement lasted from July 1951 to April 1952 was not successful in bearing fruit in substantially increasing its airpower as it failed to meet the target. Nevertheless, it played a significant role in the Korean history of airpower during the war. The movement was quite enough to demonstrate to the American officials the Korean determination to strengthen their airpower. Furthermore it assumed a crucial role in drawing up the "Three Year Plan of Korean Air Force", a blueprint for its further strengthening of airpower. Above all, the movement fully demonstrated the Korean voluntary effort to arm their militaries without solely resorting to the American aid.

중국의 역사적 통합전략, 집합지식과 일대일로

차창훈 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

This article describes the cultural factor that integrates China with framework of collective knowledge, which was proposed by constructivist Alexander Wendt. Collective knowledge is more than common knowledge and creates macro-structural pattern of actor’s behavior as time goes by. In China, Zou dynasty established the Heaven thought, which authorized the rule of Heaven’s son in political community. The collective knowledge of Middle Kingdom and Chinese nationalism not only integrates China as one political community but also expand its imperial territory. The commonly shared belief that surrounding barbarians has entitled to rule middle kingdom even by military conquer was inherited to generations, which made constitutive effects throughout Chinese history. The collective knowledge of Middle Kingdom and Chinese nationalism do not exist any more in Modern China. Belt & Road Initiative was proposed in 2013. It is embodied in conceptualization of a community of common destiny, and the four basic norms of Chinese surrounding foreign policy as friendship(親), faithfulness(誠), benefits(惠), and tolerance(容). The approach reminds us of ancient Chinese imperialism and a newly adjusted common knowledge, which Chinese state wants to create in current history.

판도라 작전(Operation PANDORA): 한국전쟁기 서해지역 해상 철수작전 연구

김인승 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

This study is about the naval evacuation plan from the northern islands on the west coast during the Korean War; named Operation PANDORA. As a result of a truce talk agreement regarding the status of inshore islands in early 1952, the UN forces were obliged to withdraw from the friendly held islands on the western and northern side of the Hwanghae and Kyong-gi Provincial line except for five islands; namely, Paengyong-do, Techong-do, Sochong-do, Yonpyong-do and U-do. Therefore, from early June 1953, the withdrawal of the UN forces, civilians and their materials from the nineteen outer islands had to be started under the overall command of the Royal Navy. The study of Operation PANDORA is very important not only because of its symbolic meaning as the last large-scale naval operation conducted during the Korean war, but also due to the fact that it was the formal execution of a truce talk agreement. However, the academic discourse regarding this topic has been largely dominated by the issue of the characteristic of the Northern Limit Line, thus, the study of Operation PANDORA itself has been poorly documented. The purpose of this study is to introduce the process of the UN forces' naval evacuation plan in the west, which have been largely neglected regardless of their actual value. For this purpose, this thesis examines the whole process of this operation largely based on the Royal Navy's operational records which have been rarely used for the Korean War studies.

식민지 조선영화 속 실존 인물의 표상: 1940년대 초 상영된 현존 극영화를 중심으로

함충범 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

In this paper, I examined the representations of real people in existing feature films of colonial Joseon. The films, released in the early 1940s have something in common in that they reveal the keynote of the colonial power policy. First, two children's films, <Tuition>(1940) and <Homeless Angel>(1941) are based on true stories written about the real experience by a fourth-grade student of an elementary school, Woo Soo-young, and a social worker, a people Bang Soo-won pastor. In doing this, the films reflect policies of the colonial education and the children which embodied a dominant ideology representing the reconciliation between Japan and Joseon(naseonyounghwa) and the subjecting to Japan imperialism. Next, in the <A Volunteer>(1941) which is a propaganda film for supporting the army special volunteer system(1938), Ito Hirobumi, the first Resident-General of Joseon and Minami Jiro, the current Governor General of Joseon appear through the portraits and documentary clips in the real and imagination of the main character. Then, factual images of Japanese rulers who represent the past and the present each, emphasize the necessity of introducing the volunteer system and the justice of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity. In the case of <You and Me>(1941), it was a Japanese language film produced from the press section of Japanese Joseon Army. In the middle of the film, Minami Jiro, a Governor General of Joseon and Itagaki Seisiro, the commander of the Japanese Joseon Army appear. Moreover, the scene of Lee In-suk who was the first Joseon volunteer soldier died in battle, is displayed at the beginning of the film. By heroizing his actions, the film presents an exemplary case of the Joseon volunteer soldiers.

페어뱅크 조공체제론의 비판적 검토: 중국중심주의라는 엇나간 시선의 문제

홍면기 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

There has been a lot of criticism and complementary discussions on Fairbanks' tribute system. This paper emphasizes that it is important to review the academic background, methodological characteristics and Chinese experience of Fairbank, as well as deepening the research results so far. It seems that while being convinced of the supremacy of Western culture, he served for real-political need from the U.S. by adding another view of Sino-centrism in East Asia, In the wake of the rise of China, the hegemonic competition between the U.S. and China has heated up, and the debate about the so called neo-tributary order has been raised that China tries to rebuild the tribute system of the past. It is worthwhile to note that in this process, China is viewed from the American perspective, and the Fairbank-based epistemology of Sino-centric East Asian order is strongly intervened. Korea is said to be historically the most exemplary tributary state of Chins, but in reality it has an alliance with the United States. Under such circumstances, it seems that the risk of the U.S. and Sino-centric historical perception operating as a dual centrifugal force to incorporate Korea into their own powers cannot be ruled out. East Asian history has experienced many momenta and dynamics that cannot be simply reduced to a binary relationship between China and its neighbors. In order to restore the pluralistic characteristics of East Asian history and to understand the political context of the Fairbank's theory, it is necessary to have a balanced understanding of the Sino-centric tribute system by Fairbank and the sense of problem to read its current meaning.

미국과 중국의 “인도-태평양 전략”과 패권 경쟁

김재관 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

The main purpose of this article is to explore the US and China’s “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and their countermeasure toward each other. In order to deter China’s overwhelming influence in the Indo-Pacific region, the US has been driving some foreign policies. First, policy transition from Rebalancing strategy toward Asian-pacific under the Obama administration to Indo-Pacific strategy. Second, maintaining and expanding US’s influence in Southeast Asia as the most conflictive region between US and China. Third, Tit-for-Tat strategy against China’s One-Belt/One-Road Initiative (BRI) under Xi’s regime. Fourth, launching trade war between US and China under Trump administration for mitigating US’s trade deficit with China. China also has been interested in the US Indo-Pacific strategy with fear. China’s basic perception of US Indo-Pacific strategy is as follows. First, There is no big difference between Rebalancing strategy toward Asia-Pacific under Obama’s regime and Indo-Pacific Strategy under Trump’s regime. Second, China regards Indo-Pacific strategy as containing China. China also independently has put forward to drive a assertive grand strategy called China’s Dream especially under Xi’s regime since globally rising China as G2. We can call this grand strategy Indo-Pacific strategy with China style. There are some China’s countermeasures to US Indo-Pacific strategy as follows. BRI, strategic security cooperation between China and Russia, expanding and consolidating Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Strategy of splitting Quad, engaging Southeast Asia, Taiwan, and Korean Peninsula as the most conflictive region between China and US. To avoid strategic dilemma within conflict between China and US, Moon administration has been vigorously pushing forward hedging policy toward US and China by building peace and co-prosperity through denuclearization of North Korea, New Northern & Southern Policy.

김정은 시대 탄소하나(C1) 석탄화학에 대한 연구

박종철,정은이 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

The purpose of this study is to analyze explanations of a North Korea research institute about the C1 industry based upon coal chemistry of Kim Jong-Un era. The logic of localization of sanctions is similar from the Japanese Aggression Period through the period of Kim Il-Sung and Kim Jong-Il to the period of Kim Jong-Un. Kim Jong-Un is emphasizing subjective economy called the localization of material and facility, and economic growth of N. Korea is being realized around coal. This is the same as the slogan that Kim Il-Sung has advocated after the liberation and Korean War or the slogan that Kim Jong-Un has advocated during the N. Korean’s Famine. It can be analyzed that industrial strategies of nations who do not receive crude oil under sanctions are similar. In other words, industry of N. Korea during Kim Jong-Un era adjusted to sanctions through the C1 coal chemical industry. This is a similar way as Nazi Germany and Japanese imperialism and similar to the industrial strategy South Africa has selected who faced oil sanctions of Britain and the U.S. because of apartheid.