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조동준(Jo Dong-Joon) 21세기정치학회 2015 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.25 No.1
This paper shows that the three competing discourses related to slavery issues were interlinked with social forces in the 19th century England: political evangelism, ‘scientific racism,’ and liberalism. The three discourses came to be associated with social forces whose economic interests were compatible to the discourses. Also, it presents that the link between discourses and social forces reflects the changing economic environments. When the slavey was not abolished yet, commercial and industrial sectors allied with political evangelism and liberalism; plantation owners allied with Christian/‘scientific’ racism. In contrast, after the slavery was abolished, commercial and industrial sectors kept distances from political evangelism because of the economic dissonance between their economic interests and beliefs; plantation owners tried to invoke political evangelism to defend their economic interests. This case implies that researchers should extend the time span in their study of norms from emergence in domestic political configurations to internalization/adaptation. Multiple research paradigms need to be integrated in norm studies.
조동준(Jo, Dong-Joon) 한국정치정보학회 2013 정치정보연구 Vol.16 No.2
이 글은 이시영 前외무차관이 APEC 고위실무대표회의 의장으로서 1991년 중국, 대만, 홍콩의 APEC 동시 가입을 위하여 조율하는 과정을 공간이론 관점에서 분석한다. 이시영은 APEC 2차 각료급회의와 고위실무대표회의의 위임을 받아 중국, 대만, 홍콩의 APEC 동시 가입을 위하여, 순방 외교를 여러 차례 전개하였다. 그는 중국과 대만의 입장이 상충되는 두 협상공간(APEC 회원의 성격과 국호 쟁점)에서 쟁점 간 연계를 통하여 절충점을 찾은 후, 실질적 이득, 감정 이입, 시간 압박을 통하여 중국, 대만, 홍콩이 APEC에 동시 가입할 수 있는 여건을 마련하였다. 이 사례에서는 다자외교와 양자외교가 협상공간에서 동시에 작동하는 특이한 현상이 나타났다. 이 사례에 직접 참여했던 이시영은 ‘협상 시한과 조건을 명시한 APEC의 위임’과 ‘천안문 사태 후 외교적 고립을 타개하려던 중국의 입장 변화’를 3자 APEC 동시 가입이 가능했던 중요한 요인으로 꼽는다. 또한, 협상 과정에서 동아시아권 공통 문명의 유산이 협상의 유효한 수단이었다고 증언한다. This paper analyzes former Vice Minister Lee See Young’s role in the 1st APEC enlargement where China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong joined the APEC as full members in 1991 in terms of spatial theory of negotiation. While he worked as the chairman of the Senior Officials’ Meeting, APEC from 1990-1991, Ambassador Lee received a mandate to proceed consultation with the three economies “with a view to reaching arrangements agreeable to those threes and to the current members of APEC for all three participate in APEC at the same time” from the second APEC Ministerial Meeting in 1990. He carried out a series of shuttle diplomacy with the three economies, proposed a compromise which partially satisfied the three’s interests, and pressured them to take it. His diplomatic skill of empathy and time pressure helped the three accept the compromise. Ambassador Lee extracts several insights from this case where bilateral and multilateral diplomacy proceeded in same negotiation space among the three economies. First, China’s diplomatic isolation after the Tiananmen Square Incident was the crucial factor for China to give concessions toward Taiwan. Even though there were economic interests to join APEC, China was eager to get away from the incident and integrate into the international society. Second, the common cultural heritage in East Asia was an effective instrument to persuade China to give some concessions toward Taiwan. Third, as the memorandum of understanding among APEC and the three economies in 1991 still binds all subsequent APEC meetings, precedents in the initial stage of institution-building affects the evolution of international organization/institution.