비평논문 : 역사 속의 이민 ; 연구사적 접근 : "자유방임 이민국"에서 "제로(Zero) 이민국"으로 -영국 이민사 개관 및 연구동향-

정희라 한국서양사학회 2007 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.93

영국에서 극우정당은 살아남을 것인가?: 영국국민당(British National Party)과 다문화주의

정희라 문화사학회 2012 역사와 문화 Vol.24 No.-

본 연구는 영국 민족주의를 지향하고 있는 BNP의 정치적 활동과 성장이 다문화주의에 대한 비판과 밀접한 관계가 있다는 차원에서 분석해 보고자 한 다. 먼저 본 연구는 인종주의와 이민문제에 대한 BNP의 정책변화 과정에 초 점을 두고 BNP의 역사를 간략히 살펴볼 것이다. BNP가 반대세력들의 맹렬 한 공격에도 불구하고 2002년부터 2010년까지 지방선거에서 두각을 나타내 는 과정과 원인을 분석해 볼 것이다. 또한 본 연구는 다문화주의 정책에 대한 BNP의 입장과 이를 반대하는 BNP의 담론을 분석할 것이고, BNP와 영국 극 우정당들의 미래를 생각해 보고자 한다 This paper attempts to analyse the rise of the British National Party, a far-right political party in the UK, in terms of its criticism of multiculturalism. Since 2001 BNP, a minor political party in the UK, has rapidly grown in an electoral system which favours two main parties. The BNP was founded in 1982 following a split within the National Front. Until 1999, when Nick Griffin took over the leadership of the BNP and began ‘modernising’ the party, it was regarded a minor fascist party. Since 2000 anti-multiculturalism has become a central tenet of BNP ideology. The BNP has argued that multiculturalism serves to marginalise the indigenous population at the expense of immigrants and minority ethnic groups. Following the September 11 attacks in the US and the July 7 attacks in London, the BNP started attracting rapidly growing levels of support that soon reached unprecedented heights. The electoral success of the BNP resulted from the support of the white-working class who felt increasingly cut off from the Labour party which was under the leadership of Blair. Along with modernisation the BNP appeared to be distancing itself from its earlier fascist activities. The shift from racial to cultural threats also led the party to devote more energy to mobilising anti-Muslim sentiment. However, the BNP soon revealed its stand on scientific racism emphasising racial differences, and gave this as a reason why immigrants could not be accepted within the British nation. In fact, the BNP has stood on the tradition of racial fascism. In the local elections of 2012, the BNP failed to gather votes and, according to the media, the BNP‘s electoral success was over; Griffin’s strategy of modernisation lay in ruins. The BNP failed to attract large numbers of middle-class voters, women, and young people. It appeared that the BNP‘s raciest ideology alienated the voters. On the other hand, new extreme-right wing parties like the UKIP and EDL started gaining popularity. The BNP paved the way for the emergence of the new right-wing groups.

2006년 영국의 인종 및 종교적 혐오 방지법: 무슬림과 종교적 소수자 보호를 위한 정책

정희라 한국외국어대학교 EU연구소 2013 EU연구 Vol.- No.35

This paper attempts to analyze the policies of British government for protecting muslims and religious minorities. The Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006 intended to create an offence of inciting hatred against a person on the grounds of their religion. The Race Relations Acts had provided the legal basis to protect minority groups in the UK. But the acts did not cover religious discriminations. The Racial and Religious Hatred Act of 2006 was a challenge to Islamophobia and also to British common laws which did not treat Muslims as a 'race' or an ethnic group. The proposals under the Racial and Religious Hatred Bill 2005 proved to be hugely controversial. In the parliament the bill was opposed by the Lords bipartisanly. In the House of Commons the Conservative MPs opposed the measure on the fear that such a law would impinge on the freedom of speech which had been a tenet of British parliamentary democracy. It also posed a question that the bill might extend Blasphemy laws to non-Christian religions including Islam. The Labour government and the Labour MPs supported the bill on the grounds that the measure was to protect Muslims who were particularly vulnerable to attack from racist groups following the September 11th attacks. The supporters also insisted that the bill was for the equal rights of minority groups in the UK. The Act of 2006 was made under the influence of the legislations of the European Union. Although the measure has not taken sufficient account of religious hatred and blasphemy laws, it fulfilled an symbolic role in British government's efforts to communicate Muslims. It also showed that British society now respected the rights of religious minorities including Muslims as much as the value of the freedom of speech. 본 논문은 영국의 무슬림들을 종교적 소수자로서 보호하기 위한 영국정부와 의회의 노력을 2006년 인종 및 종교적 혐오 방지법을 통해 살펴본다. 지구화시대 유럽에서 무슬림이 소수자로 인식되면서 유럽공동체 차원에서 무슬림을 차별에서 보호하기 위한 법적 기준이 마련되었고, 또 각 국민국가의 정책에 반영되고 있다. 그러나 국민국가 내에서 종교적 소수자를 위한 반차별주의와 인권확대를 위한 법제화 과정에서 이에 대한 저항도 만만치 않다. 본고는 영국에서 무슬림을 보호하기 위한 법률제정에 있어 발생하는 문제점들을 연구한다. 2006년 인종 및 종교적 혐오 방지법은 ‘종교적 증오를 유발하는 행동과 표현을 금한다’는 조항을 골자로 무슬림들이 혐오감을 느낄 수 있는 표현과 행동을 방지함으로써 무슬림들을 보호하고자 하였다. 이 법은 이슬람혐오주의로부터 무슬림들을 적극적으로 보호하려는 시도였고, 기독교 이외에는 배타적이었던 영국의 관습법적 전통에 대한 도전이었다. 2006년 인종 및 종교적 혐오 방지법은 유럽공동체의 영향력 하에서 이루어진 것으로, 영국정부가 유럽공동체의 보편적 인권확대 정책에 동참하고 있다는 동의의 표시이기도 하다. 이는 또한 표현의 자유에 대해 절대적 가치를 두었던 영국 의회민주주의의 변화를 의미하기도 한다. 영국사회가 종교적 소수자와의 소통을 중시하면서 표현의 자유는 타인의 권리를 존중하는 범위 내에서 이루어져야 한다는 방향으로 선회하였다. 이러한 점에서 2006년 법은 무슬림을 영국사회가 종교적 소수자로서 인정하고 그들을 보호하겠다는 의지를 보여준 상징적인 법률 개혁이라고 할 수 있다.

카라 워커(Kara Walker, 1969∼ )의 실루엣 작품 연구: 1994∼1998년 작품을 중심으로

정희라 미술사문화비평학회 2015 미술사문화비평 Vol.6 No.-

카라 워커(Kara Walker, 1969∼)는 1994∼1998년 실루엣 작품을 통해 여러 인종의 캐릭터들을 만들고 인종 간에 발생하는 성적 섹슈얼리티와 폭력성을 드러냈다. 워커는 서사적 구성을 가진 실루엣 작품 속에서 인종에 대한 고정관념이 ‘허구’라는 것을 표현 하기 위하여 현실과 가상이 혼합된 자신만의 판타지를 만들어 내었다. 워커의 인종 재현 방식에서 중요한 전략은 외적인 윤곽을 드러내는 실루엣 (Silhouette) 기법과 문학 작품의 차용, 키치로서의 로맨스 요소를 사용하였다는 것이다. 이뿐 만 아니라 워커는 그녀의 작품에서 아프리카계 미국인들의 포스트 메모리 (postmemory) 작업과 개인의 트라우마의 작용을 흑인 여성 캐릭터에서 잘 녹여내었다. 이로써 워커는 자신의 경험을 흑인 여성이 가지는 심리학적인 유산과 혼합하였고, 지배 자와 피지배자 사이의 성적 권력에 대한 문제를 가시화하였다. 그리하여 워커는 흑인 여성의 성적인 면을 드러내는 것에 보수 적일 수밖에 없었던 1970년대 흑인 여성 미술 작가들의 시선에서 한발 나아가 흑인 여성의 신체를 인종적 억압에서 벗어나게 하였다. 워커는 그녀의 작품 속의 이미지와 내러티브를 통해 흑인 여성 캐릭터의 성적 주체성을 표현함으로써 인종적·성적 차별에 따른 사람들의 인식을 바꾸려는 시도를 하였다. Kara Walker (1969∼ ) created characters of different races in silhouette works of 1994∼1998 to reveal sexuality and violence that occur between races. An important strategy of Walker in reproduction of races was to express discriminatory images against black people using silhouette technique which illustrates external contours. Walker further emphasized the difference in context and meaning by using silhouette technique, a non-mainstream method of the past, as the mainstream art of the present. Also Walker created black silhouette to draw artistic discussion on shadows, proposing a doubt about the meaning of human existence and constructing the world of reality and unreality. Walker tried to expose through silhouette technique that the stereotype about human race is a false concept devised by rulers. Walker created her own fantasy mixed with reality and virtuality through silhouette works in order to express that the stereotype against black people is a 'illusion'. In addition, Walker partially mentioned a literary work based on pre and post Civil War backgrounds in the title of her work, intentionally borrowing characters of the literary work to her work. While Walker borrowed a literary work that contains story of black slaves in her work, she revealed inherent racial discrimination in a story familiar to the audience using extreme contrast with the literature. Walker also completed the work as fantasy using elements of sexual romance after setting characters of her work with the sexual relationship in popular literature,trying to overthrow the fixed image of black people. Elements of romance as kitsch in popular literature are linked with the public desire to effectively convey the theme of Walker's work. Borrowing of literary work, narrative composition of characters, fantasy mixed with historical facts, and sexual elements revealed in the work of Walker are parts of her efforts to overturn the stereotype of people about race. On one hand, the ‘postmemory’ process of African Americans handed down as historical memories through memories and testimonies of the past described in cultural products was embodied in the silhouette work of Walker. Strategic borrowing and reconfiguration of stories about black slaves described in famous novels and films can be regarded as a part of this postmemory process. Walker recreated virtual story that includes historical facts through the silhouette work as a device to mediate historical memory based on reconfiguration of American literature and visual culture. Black female characters of Walker represent the typical perception of racial discrimination experienced in terms of sex. The work of Walker is not only an expression of the African American post-memory generation but can also be seen as an expression of her personal traumatic experience. Walker attempted to speak of the sexual authority between rulers and victims by mixing her experience with psychological legacy of suppressed black women. Walker took a step forward from the views of black female artists in 1970s, who were forced to be conservative about revealing sexual aspects of black women, to liberate bodies of black women from racial suppression. Walker made an attempt to change perception of people according to racial and sexual discriminations by expressing sexual identity of black female characters in her narrative.

영국 의회와 동성결혼(Same-Sex Marriage) 논쟁 - 2013년 동성결혼법을 중심으로

정희라 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2016 통합유럽연구 Vol.7 No.2

The aim of this paper is to examine the Same-Sex Marriage Bill(2013) of the UK, analyzing the views of the commons. The bill passed the parliament, and the same-sex marriage has been legalized since 29 March 2014. The researches of the same-sex marriage have been focused on the cases of the US supreme courts or of the European Court of Human Rights Viewing the same-sex marriage question as a social conflict, this paper explains the reasons as to why the MPs, who represented public opinions of their constituencies, supported the bill or objected to it. It helps towards an understanding of the views of British society on the same-sex marriage. Most Labors and Liberal-Democrats supported the bill, but only the half of the Conservatives expressed their consents to legalize the same-sex marriage. The supporters regarded the bill significant for the equality and freedom of LGBT people as social minorities, believing that everyone has the rights to respect for his private and family life. By contrast its opponents believed that the bill was not a legal question of equality and freedom. But they argued that it would lead to disrupt the traditional marriage system which meant a union between a man and a woman, and would also cause a social conflict. They also contented that it would result in social disorders such as adultery and polygamy. The bill passed the parliament without difficulties. One of possible reasons for the parliament's supports might be explained by the fact that the British had already consented multiculturalism and diversity of the society. Yet there remains a question of social conflicts around same-sex marriage since the same-sex marriage has never been discussed publically in the UK society.

영국의 동유럽 이민자 : 과거와 현재

정희라 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2009 국제지역연구 Vol.13 No.1

This paper explores the immigration policy and social conflicts relating to Eastern European migrants in Britain. It deals with not only the current issues of the migrants but also those who immigrated into the UK from Eastern Europe by 1945. Recently the issue of the foreign workers from Eastern European countries is at stake, because their inflow has rapidly increased since EU enlargement on 1 May 2004. British workers believe that their jobs have been lost to Eastern European workers, and that a huge amount of tax has been spent for the latter―mainly for their health, education, and travel coasts. As the economic recession become serious in the UK, xenophobia and nationalism against Eastern European migrants have increased. Britain has been one of the favorite destinations to which Eastern Europeans emigrated. Britain was known as a country of religious toleration until early 20th century. Recently it is the country where they could work with relatively high salary, learning English. British government has welcomed Eastern European migrants, who are not different from Britons racially and culturally, when the country suffers labor shortage. By the end of the Second World War Britain which faced serious labor deficiency actively recruited Eastern European labors such as Polish veterans and refugees. Immediately upon EU enlargement in 2004, Britain, along with Ireland and Sweden, was in a minority among the member states of the pre-enlarged EU to grant workers from the A8 countries free access to the UK labor market, since it suffers significant shortages of labor in low-wage jobs. The migrants from Eastern Europe in the 21st century are different from those Eastern Europeans who entered into Britain by 1945. The latter established its community and was integrated into British society, while the former does not intend to settle down in Britain permanently. It shows a pattern of ‘seasonal migration' or ‘circular migration'. Indeed, the 21st-century Eastern European migrants are the so called, 'Nomad', who migrate wherever and whenever in search of jobs. 2009년 영국은 경제위기와 함께 유럽연합 회원국들로부터 온 외국인 노동자 문제로 고심하고 있다. 경기침체 상황이 장기화될 전망 속에 영국인 노동자들 중 일부는 외국인 노동자들 때문에 자신의 일자리를 잃고 있다는 생각에서 “영국의 일자리는 영국인에게”라는 구호를 외치고 있다. 이 갈등의 중심에는 유럽연합의 확대와 함께 영국으로 유입된 동유럽 출신의 이민자들이 자리 잡고 있다. 본 연구는 유럽연합 확대 이후 영국의 동유럽 이민자에 대한 정책과 갈등양상 뿐만이 아니라 2차 세계대전 직후 영국에 정착했던 동유럽 이민자들도 연구 대상으로 삼아 과거와 현재의 동유럽 이민자들을 비교한다. 동유럽 이민자는 영국 정부가 노동력 부족을 겪을 때 적극적으로 수용한 이민자였다. 영국인들과 인종적으로나 문화적으로 이질감이 적은 동유럽인들은 최적의 외국인 노동력으로 간주되었다. 전후 영국의 동유럽 이민자 집단의 주착이 되었던 폴란드 이민자들은 전쟁과 추방이라는 강제적 원인에 의해 영국에 정착하게 되었고, 강한 민족적 정체성을 드러내었다. 반세기 뒤 새로운 폴란드인을 중심으로 한 동유럽 이민자들은 경제적 원인에서 영국으로 들어왔다가, 영국 이주의 경제적 가치가 떨어지면 곧 떠나가고, 또 언젠가 다시 돌아올 전형적인 ‘신유목민(nomad)'의 모습을 보여주고 있다.

환경 메시지 프레임과 통제감이 환경 의사결정에 대한 낙관 편향에 미치는 영향

정희라 한국환경교육학회 2018 한국환경교육학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2018 No.12

국내 교통연구 분야의 경향 분석

정희라,강경우 대한교통학회 1995 대한교통학회 학술대회지 Vol.28 No.-

국내에 교통학이 도입된 지 20여년이 지나 어느정도의 학문적 성숙단계에 올라 있어서 국내 교통분야의 연구경향과 학문적 성과를 정립할 필요가 있지만, 아직까지 국내 교통연구의 체계적 정리나 분석이 이루어지지 않고 있는 실정이다. 본 논문에서는 교통관련 논문들을 비교분석함으로써 국내 교통연구분야의 연구경향과 추이를 분석하고, 장래의 학문적 연구방향을 고찰하였다. 교통학회지와 토목학회지, 국토도시계획학회지의 3개 학회지를 대상으로 비교분석한 결과, 이론적 논문이 증가하고 교수와 연구원 중심으로 연구가 진행되고 있다는 결론을 도출하였고, 실무자를 위한 실증적 연구분야의 계획 필요성이 요구된다.

스코틀랜드 국교회 분쟁(1834-1843)과 영국정치

정희라 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.181

영국의 내셔널트러스트: 역사와 ‘영국성’

정희라 문화사학회 2011 역사와 문화 Vol.21 No.-

The National Trust: Its History and ‘Britishness’ Heera Chung(Kyung Hee University) This PaperThis Paper deals with history of the National Trust and its ‘Britishness’. The National Trust is the most important and successful voluntary society in Britain. But its history is still to be better known. Locating the Trust in the context of modern British history, this paper argues that the Trust attempted to be a preservation society for the nation including British colonies. It has reflected concerns about national identities. The National Trust was established in 1895 by Sir Robert Hunter, Octavia Hill, and Canon Rawnsley. They were concerned with preserving open space of natural beauty, and were also interested in safeguarding buildings of historical importance. The Trust attempted to find the essence of national identity was to be found in the fields and hedegerows, and in historical buildings. It desired to monumentalise English political, religious and cultural traditions for English-speaking peoples at home and abroad. The Trust believed that the nature and the historical monuments should be preserved for the nation. The concept of the nation by the Trust was much more extensive than that by other comtemporary preservationists whose main interests in southern England. During the 1930s and the 1940s the Trust’s mission shifted to preserving country houses, cooperating with the declining aristocracy. Although the country house scheme was to preserve historical monuments, it alienated the Trust from ordinary people. It failed to be a society for the whole community of British people. Since the 1970s the Trust attempted to expand its definition of what is worthy of preservation. New projects included preserving vernacular architecture, industrial archaeology, and also the life of the ordinary people. This led dramatic rise in membership, especially from the middle- and working-classes. The National Trust succeeded in retaining its identity as a preservation society for the nation, and also in being a cultural code representing Britishness.