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비스마르크의 환대: 『미구회람실기』에 나타나는 근대 일본의 자기모색과 프로이센
전진성 고려대학교 역사연구소 2013 사총 Vol.80 No.-
“The Iwakura embassy, 1871-73” can be read as a sort of the Japanese grammar book aiming at mastering the foreign language of the name of “modern Western civilization,” almost all aspects of which, like technologies, economical principles, social institutions, positive laws, artistic modes, geographical knowledges, and each national histories, are extensively and intensively recorded in these volumes. What this magnum opus also documents, is, more significantly, the discontinuous processes, in which modern Japan designed her peculiar “imaginative geography” of the modern world, and in which her own subjectivity and status were granted. This paper is based on the hypothesis that the crucial significance of “The Iwakura embassy, 1871-73” for the political development of future Japan was the rediscovery of Prussia, not of England, much less of France. The three main points help to elucidate the position. First, the description of Prussia in the third volume is distinguished by its well-poised, quite affective approach, rather than by an over-and-underestimation. Such an attitude gives an indication of an unbashful gaze into other’s eyes, a more positive response to the other’s hospitality. Second, in regard to the discursive formation Prussia takes an intermediate position in the global imaginative geography, a focal point in which modern Japan managed to fix her own vista and to objectify modern Western civilization. Third, the Prussian imagery of Japan is here only revealed through the Japanese gaze and so the both sides are supposed to have a contrapuntal relationship. In this respect, “Prussia” can be defined as a discursive formation which gave birth to the modern Japanese subjectivity and simultaneously brought about her structural deficiency leading to Japan’s self-imposition on the East Asia, after all. These three points in all confirm that the Japanese “German turn” was prefigured by the political aspirations of the Iwakura mission.
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전진성 한국독일사학회 2017 독일연구 Vol.- No.34
Land Readjustment is a land development technique to deal with worldwide urbanization and subsequent demand for urban lots. Started from the legislation by Frankfurt’s mayor Franz Adickes, this modern technique provided an effective means to reduce the inconveniences of land fragmentation and to construct urban infrastructures without expensive acquisition of land, and besides, to control profit allocation. As long as it was an effort for public management of urban space, the initiative of landowners and their cooperation were not always free from government intervention. Under the authoritarian regimes of Imperial Germany, Imperial Japan, and (post)colonial Korea. LR was invented, adopted and enforced, where the role of charismatic leaders such as Franz Adickes, Gotō Shinpei and Park Jǒng-Hee was always crucial. The ambivalence of LR between coercion from higher authorities and voluntary demands of urban proprietors, between municipal socialism and capitalist modernization is most clearly revealed in (post)colonial Seoul, but it is also a global legacy across the continent. In terms of its coercive and developmental rationality, the LR has been an arbiter of transnational urbanity/modernity.
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‘텍토닉’의 식민성: 베를린, 도쿄, 서울의 프로이센 고전주의 건축 유산
전진성 미술사학연구회 2014 美術史學報 Vol.- No.43
For the purpose of testifying to the transience of each urban space, this paper deals with three modern capital cities, Berlin, Tokyo and Seoul. Their specific connections can be reconstructed by observing adurable cultural link, the sanctified canon of neoclassic architecture à la Schinkel. The Prussian publicarchitect Karl Friedrich Schinkel’s masterly architecture was transplanted into the heterogeneous culturalenvironments of East Asia: it contributed to a new spatial configuration of the imperial capital Tokyo, butalso to the creation of modern Seoul. As a heuristic instrument for this analysis is offered Schinkel’s idea of ‘Tektonik,’ suggesting that themodern architectural principle of a structural totality, concomitant with a harmony of form and function. This unique principle was revivified in the form of historicism, and sooner than later served as an ideologicalbasis for colonial power. Imperial Japan voluntarily adopted the prussian tectonics for the purpose of herown national regeneration. The juristic term of ‘Kokutai(national body)’ might well be defined as thecorrespondence concept of ‘Tektonik.’ A notable example is the ‘Plan for government center.’ Entrusted bythe Japanese Government in 1887, a renowned architectural firm in Berlin, “Ende & Böckmann,” set out theplan. Although it was not successfully carried out in the imperial capital, the main idea had a tremendousimpact on the colonial city, Seoul, as seen especially in the Japanese General Government Building. This gigantic building was located at the symbolic center of restructured Seoul. Its construction, itschanging role, and its subsequent demolition provide a compelling evidence for the yawning chasmbetween modernity and coloniality, which had never been reconciled by any logical instrument likeTektonik, Kokutai, whatsoever. The ineffaceable memory of a shameful past reveals a colonial difference,which a catch-all phrase of modernity cannot cover up. 이 글은 도시 공간과 기억 간의 분열적 관계를 규명하기 위해 베를린, 도쿄, 서울이라는 상호 이질적인 세 개의 수도를 비교의 대상으로 삼았다. 비교 분석을 위한 준거로 모더니티와 식민성이라는 두 개의 상관적 범주를 도입했다. 식민성은 모더니티의 틀로 수렴되지 않는 ‘외부’의 가능성, 그 ‘식민지적 차이’를 지칭한다. 중부 유럽의 아테네로 자처하던 베를린의 경관을 지배한 프로이센 고전주의 건축은 서구적 근대화를 추진하던 일제의 수도 도쿄에 일부분이나마 제법 유사한 형태로 수용되었고, 그 논리적 연장선상에서 쇠잔한 식민지 조선의 심장부에 이식되어 심각한 결과를 초래했다. 프로이센 고전주의 건축의 명실상부한 대변자였던 궁정 건축가 프리드리히 슁켈은 권력의 후광 속에서 독일문화와 개신교 교회의 수호자라는 프로이센 왕정의 전통적 이상을 수도 베를린의 공간에 구현하는데 이바지했는데, 그가 도입한 ‘텍토닉’의 원리는 고대 그리스 건축을 이상적 전범으로 삼아 기능적 합목적성과 미적 형식의유기적 통일을 지향했다. 텍토닉의 원리는 산업사회가 요구하는 실제적 기능과 미적 형태 간의 불일치를 극복하고자 한 역사주의 건축에 관철되었을 뿐만 아니라, 해외로 전파되면서 어떠한 차이도 허용치 않는 식민지배의 이데올로기가 되었다. 지구 보편적인 ‘문명’의 논리로 탈바꿈된 프로이센 고전주의 건축은 제국 일본에 적극 수용되었다. 프로이센식 국가 텍토닉의 일본식 변용은 ‘국체’라는 특유의 법체제였으며, 이는 수도 도쿄의 심장부를 베를린풍으로 변모시키고자 한 ‘관청집중계획’에서 극명하게 표현되었다. 비록 이 계획은 제대로 성사되지 못했지만, 전일적 구조와 강한 중심성에 대한 열망은 일제 식민지 조선에서 일정하게 실현되었다. 프로이센 고전주의의 텍토닉은 더 이상 구조적 통일성의 원리가 아니라 오히려 구조적 분리의 원리로 작동하여 중심과 주변, 주체와 객체, 그리고 식민주의자의 현재와 식민지 토착민의 과거를 철저히 분리시켰다. (포스트)식민지 도시 서울의 심장부에서 전개되었던 조선총독부 청사의 건설과 변천, 그리고 파괴의 과정은 모더니티와 식민성의 착종과 괴리를 적나라하게 보여준다.
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생태주의, 민주주의, 인권 - 독일 탈핵 운동사에서 찾는 세 가지 가치 -
전진성 한국독일사학회 2012 독일연구 Vol.- No.24
This paper deals with the history of German anti-nuclear movement in the light of the following three ideas: ecology, democracy and human rights. While turning from the peace movement in the Cold War era to the “Anti-AKW-Bewegung” in the 1970s, the West German anti-nuclear movement formed an alliance with the new environmental movement which was breaking with the former conservationist position and taking issue with the fatal environmental devastation of modern capitalist society. So-called “ecological turn” of the German anti-nuclear movement enabled its advocates to repudiate the fraudulent slogan of “Atoms for Peace” and to oppose all sorts of nuclear facilities and artifacts. This mental change was accompanied by opposition to the construction of new nuclear power plants so that dissenting groups occupied the prearranged areas for the construction like Wyhl and Brokdorf and stood against the government. The West German “Anti-AKW-Bewegung” was the arising “new social movements” par excellence, since such an act of civil disobedience was changed to a grassroots democracy in the course of unreserved debates and mutual consent. This new political tendency led to the foundation of the Green Party in 1980 which initiated to plan on shutting down nuclear power plants in West Germany. In line with such a grassroots democracy the idea of human rights can be another value system on which the German Anti-nuclear movement relied. At issue here are not only fundamental rights and social justice, but also more transnational rights for living and health. Under the threat of the potential danger of radioactivity man should try to find a way out of his vulnerability, whether disasters may be resulted from a atomic weapon or from a nuclear power plant. The history of German anti-nuclear movement provides an answer concerning how to recover the rights for autonomous decision for each man’s own life in the post-Fukushima age.
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