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      • KCI등재

        영어 차용어에서 나타난 어중 자음 연쇄의 [i] 존재에 대한 지배음운론적 접근

        이상직 ( Sang Jik Rhee ) 한국현대언어학회 2011 언어연구 Vol.27 No.3

        The Journal of Studies in Language 27.3, 487-504. This paper concerns the question of how the default vowel [i] in Korean is realized within internal consonant clusters in English loanwords. The main focus of this paper is to see to what extent loanword phonology is different from native Korean phonology. In the Optimality Theory literature on loanwords of English, the general consensus is that loanword phonology has a distinct component separated from native phonology and so it has a different constraint hierarchy. In this paper, I argue that constraint-based approaches disregard the fact that the morpheme-internal distribution of the vowel [i] in loanwords is identical to that of native words. In other words, loanword phonology is not completely different from native phonology. This paper will justify an approach that the occurrence of the internal [i] of loanwords can be treated in the same way as the internal [i] of native lexical items. (Chungnam National University)

      • KCI등재

        구성원소 이론과 국어의 경음화 현상

        이상직(Rhee Sang Jik) 한국음운론학회 2004 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.10 No.3

        In native Korean, there are two contexts for tensification in verbal suffixation, viz. post-obstruent and post-nasal. Previous analyses accounted for these two tensification processes in a separate manner, i.e. the former was treated as articulatorily motivated and the latter as morphologically conditioned. This paper attempts to explain the two types of tensification in a unified way, in that these two processes are invoked to repair ill-formed coda-onset clusters. A lenis obstruent cannot govern a preceding lenis obstruent or nasal, so that this segment undergoes tensification to govern its preceding segment. This is due to the fact that lenis obstruents and nasals are equally ranked in a segmental governing hierarchy. To formally express the equal status of these consonants, this paper adopts the Element Theory, in which the segmental complexity of lenis obstruents is identical to that of nasals, i.e. each type consists of three elements.

      • KCI등재

        어간말 자음연쇄의 기저구조와 유음후 경음화 현상에 대한 연구

        이상직(Sang Jik Rhee) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2010 언어학 Vol.0 No.58

        This paper deals with the underlying representations of stem-final consonant clusters and post-liquid tensification in Korean within the framework of Government Phonology (GP). In order to treat the underlying representation of a stem-final consonant cluster in a GP viewpoint, this paper adopts the interface of morphology-phonology proposed by Kaye (1995), in that each consonant of a cluster is separated by an analytic structure, i.e. Cø]Cø]. After bracket erasure of the innermost domain, i.e. Cø]Cø], the cluster reduction applies to one of a consonant so that the consonant in question is inaudible. Note that the inaudibility of the consonant does not mean total deletion in this paper. Rather, the association line is delinked between the syllable and skeletal tier, but the association line is intact between the skeletal and segmental tier. It suggests that the silent consonant can be present in the underlying representation. When a stem-final consonant cluster is concatenated with an initial lenis stop suffix, this presentation enables the parasitic governing relation between a silent and phonetically realized lenis plosives so that it triggers post-liquid tensification. In this way, the opacity of post-liquid tensification is accounted for by the parasitic governing relation.

      • KCI등재

        국어 아동 언어에서 나타난 자음동화 현상에 대해서

        이상직 ( Sang Jik Rhee ) 충남대학교 인문과학연구소 2015 인문학연구 Vol.51 No.1

        이 연구는 기존 연구에서 다루지 않았던 국어 아동 언어에서 나타난 자음 동화 현상을 다루고자 한다. 이 현상은 어두 자음이 후속하는 자음에 따라 상대적으로 거리가 있는 환경에서 동화 현상이 적용된다. 이는 후속하는 자음에 의해서 선행하는 자음에 동화 현상이 적용되는 것이다. 영어의 /dog/의 경우, 후속하는 자음 /g/에 의해서 동화 현상이 적용이 되어 [g□g]로 실현된다. 이 현상에 대해서 다양한 방식에 의한 설명을 시도하였다. 예를 들면, Smith (1973)은 음운론 규칙으로 설명하였으며, Stemberger & Stoel-Gammon (1989, 1991) 및 Stoel-Gemmon & Stemberger (1994)는 미명세 이론 (Underspecification Theory)에 의해서 다루었으며, McDough & Myers (1991)는 2차원적 분리 과정을 통해서 (Planar segregation) 이 현상을 분석하였다. 이 연구는 위에서 제시한 다양한 분석에 따라 국어 자음 동화 현상에서 나타난 음운 현상을 소개한다. 이를 위해 이 논문은 기존 연구에서 다루지 않았던 국어 아동의 오류 패턴 현상 분석을 통해서, 국어 아동 언어의 자음 동화 현상을 다룬다. This paper introduces consonant harmony in child language. This phenomenon is a type of long-distance phonological assimilation parallel to the similar assimilatory process requiring vowels. This event has attracted a great deal of consideration in the phonological literature. Regarding consonant harmony in adult and child language, the prevalent view on consonant harmony is that this phenomenon is a widespread phenomenon in child language, while it is rare in the world``s language. In this regard, the nature of consonant harmony in child language differs from that in the language of the world in an important way. That is, only segments that are adjacent at some level of analysis can interact. Consonant harmony in child language would violate locality only if a strong form of continuity is assumed. In this regard, phonological systems of language learners and adults make use of the same units and obey the same set of principles. n this paper, how consonant harmony deals with difference phonological theories, such as phonological rules, Underspecification Theory and Planar segregation.

      • KCI등재

        통합적 승인의 관점에서 본 한국어 음절말+음절초 자음연쇄의 음소배열적 제약에 대하여

        이상직(Sang Jik Rhee) 한국외국어대학교 외국어 종합연구센터 언어연구소 2010 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.47

        This paper deals with a phonotactic constraint imposed on surface coda-onset clusters in Korean. In mono-morphemic contexts, these clusters appear intervocalically but they are ruled out in initial or final position. In order to account for this asymmetrical distribution, this paper adopts the notion of syntagmatic licensing. In intervocalic position, a coda consonant requires not only a licensing from a preceding vowel but also a licensing from a following onset consonant which, in turn, needs another licensing from a following vowel. When either of these two conditions is not met, coda-onset clusters in question are not allowed to occur in Korean. To empirically support the asymmetrical distribution of coda-onset clusters in Korean, this paper takes consideration into loanword adaptation in which we observe initial and final epenthesis of [?].

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        어간말 자음 /h/의 음운론적 행위에 대한 지배음운론적 접근

        이상직(Sang Jik Rhee) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2011 언어학 Vol.0 No.61

        This paper deals with two types of underlying representations with stern-final /h/s in Korean within the framework of Government Phonology. One type is that a single stem-final /h/ is treated as inaudible, i.e. an association line is de linked between the syllable and skeletal tier, but the association is intact between the skeletal and segmental tier. The other type is that the final /h/s, which is part of consonant clusters, is regarded as a floating consonant. On the basis of these representations of stem-final /h/s, this paper attempts to investigate various phonological processes such as aspiration, nasalization and /h/-deletion. The aspiration is triggered by spreading of a floating /h/ or an inaudible /h/ and the nasalization is elicited due to spreading of a following nasal consonant such as /n/. The deletion of /h/ is treated as muted owing to incomplete association lines between the syllable and skeletal tier.

      • KCI등재

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