금석문을 통해 본 6세기 신라 법제와 지방민 인식 변화

윤진석(Youn, Jin-Seok) 한국고대사학회 2019 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.93

신라사에서 6세기 전·중반이 고대국가로 성장하고 삼국통일의 초석을 놓은 시기라는 이해가 일찍부터 나온 바 있다. 하지만 근자에 들어 이러한 이해가 과연 타당한 것인가 하는 반문이 많이 나오고 있다. 7세기 삼국쟁패가 심화되면서 국망 위기에 처하기도 하였기 때문이다. 그러나 <중성리비>·<냉수리비>·<봉평리비> 및 진흥왕대 건립된 5개 비문의 변화상을 살펴보면, 이 시기가 법제원칙을 수립하고 지방민 처우를 개선하여 삼국통일의 초석을 놓은 시기임을 재확인할 수 있다. 특히 진흥왕대의 순수비 등에서는 새롭게 편입된 지역민, 즉 新民을 舊民과 함께 어루만지겠다고 표명하고, 지방민도 공을 세우면 포상할 것을 구체적으로 약속하였는데, 국왕 스스로 신민에 대한 撫育이 철저하지 못했음을 시인한 점에서 지방민 교화와 목민이 일회성으로 그치지 않았음을 미루어 짐작할 수 있다. 지방민을 국가의 인적자원으로 포섭하려는 이러한 전환은 <봉평리비>에서 이미 단초를 찾을 수 있다. <중성리비>와 <냉수리비>에서는 판결에 대한 재론금지와 처벌을 강조한 반면, <봉평리비>에서는 사건경위와 판시이유를 구체적으로 언급하였고, 사건발생 책임에 따른 형벌이 대다수 당해 지역민에게는 미치지 않도록 처결하고, 땅을 지키고 왕을 받들 것을 강조하였다. 이러한 점에서 늦어도 법흥왕대는 본격적인 영토확장과 삼국쟁패라는 시대적 상황을 당면하여, 법령의 투명성을 지향하고 지방민 차별 해소의 의지를 드러낸 전환기라 할 수 있다. It has long been established that Silla made growth as an ancient state and built a foundation for the unification of Three Kingdoms in the early and middle sixth century in its history, but there have been many questions as to the validity of this understanding in recent years since Silla faced a risk of fall with the deepening struggle for supremacy among the Three Kingdoms in the seventh century. A look at the changing patterns of five epitaphs made during the reign of King Jinheung as well as the “Tombstone of Jungseong-ri,” “Tombstone of Naengsu-ri,” and “Tombstone of Bongpyeong-ri,” however, reconfirms that this period witnessed Silla establishing its legal principles, improving treatments for its local population, and building a foundation for the unification of Three Kingdoms. In the Tombstone of Sunsu during the reign of King Jinheung and others, the king declared his intention to embrace local people that were newly incorporated or the new population along with the old population and made a concrete promise to reward even local people that made a contribution. Considering that the king himself admitted that no thorough care was offered to the new population, it is estimated that it was not a onetime event to edify and govern the local population. “Tombstone of Bongpyeong-ri” contains some clues for this shift to the inclusion of local people as part of the state’s human resources. While “Tombstone of Jungseong-ri” and “Tombstone of Naengsu-ri” put an emphasis on the prohibition of re-discussions about rulings and punishments, “Tombstone of Bongpyeong-ri” made specific mentions about details of events and grounds for rulings, made it sure that punishments according to the accountability of events would not affect a majority of local people in the concerned area, and emphasized that they should protect the land and serve the king. Based on these aspects, it seems that Silla faced a turning point of pursuing the transparency of legislation and demonstrating the will to end discriminations against the local people under the situations of fullblown territorial expansion and struggle for supremacy among the Three Kingdoms during the reign of King Beopheung at the latest.

백제멸망기 ‘태자’ 문제 보론(補論)

윤진석(Youn, Jin-seok) 북악사학회 2022 북악사론 Vol.15 No.-

백제 멸망기의 ‘태자’와 문제와 관련하여 지금까지 많은 연구가 있었으나 각자의 주장만을 고수하고 있어 사실규명에 큰 어려움이 있다. 본고에서는 의자왕 아들의 출생 순서, 의자왕과 함께 웅진으로 달아난 왕자는 누구인가, 文思는 누구의 아들인가, 융과 효 가운데 누가 은고의 아들인가 하는 문제 등을 재정리하고, 이를 바탕으로 백제 말기 의자왕의 처신과 후계자 문제의 논란을 검토하였다. 백제 멸망기의 ‘태자’와 관련한 사료충돌은 의자왕 15년 이후 대부인 은고의 득세와 의자왕의 변덕에서 기인한 것으로 여겨진다. 의자왕 4년에 태자로 책봉된 隆이 이때에 이르러 폐위되었는지 아닌지는 알 수 없지만, 의자왕이 후사를 恩古의 어린 아들인 孝로 할 가능성을 비추었을 가능성이 높다. 이렇게 보면 태자교체가 있었느냐 아니냐 하는 것은 사안의 본질이 아닐 것이다. 설령 태자 교체가 없었다 하더라도 은고가 정치에 깊이 개입하여 충신들을 옥중에서 굶어 죽게 하거나 유배시킨 상황에서 의자왕이 융을 멀리하고 은고의 아들인 효에게 마음이 있음을 비춘다면 태자가 교체된 것이나 마찬가지 상황인 셈이기 때문이다. 의자왕의 이런 처신을 백제멸망의 주된 원인의 하나로 꼽는 것은 당연하고, 따라서 의자왕에 대한 과도한 미화는 재고할 필요가 있다. 일각에서는 괴뢰정권 웅진도독부의 앞잡이 노릇을 한 부여융의 행적까지 독립운동으로 미화하기도 하고, 그에 편승하여 해당 지방자치단체에서는 의자왕의 가묘와 함께 부여융의 가묘를 만들어 놓기도 하였다. 의자왕 홀로 모시는 것이 부족하다 여긴다면 扶餘隆 대신 백제부흥군의 왕인 扶餘豊을 모시는 방안이 차라리 옳을 것이다. There have been many researches on the crown prince issues during the fall of Baekje, but it is extremely difficult to investigate facts as they adhere to their respective arguments. This study set out to rearrange several crown prince issues including the order of birth among the sons of King Uija, which prince fled to Woongjin with the king, whose son Munsa was, and who was Eungo s son between Yung and Hyo, as well as review the controversy over King Uija s demeanor and successor issues in late Baekje based on findings. The clash between the crown prince and Saryo during the fall of Baekje seems to have been attributed to Eungo gaining power as the mother of emperor and King Uija behaving capriciously after the 15th year of his reign. There is no knowing whether Yung, who was installed as the crown prince in the fourth year of King Uija s reign, was dethroned by the time, but there is a big possibility that the king showed his intention to appoint Hyo, his little son with Eungo, as his successor. The essence of the issue is not whether the old crown prince was replaced or not in this viewpoint. The situation must have been like the replacement happened even if it did not happen really. The king distanced himself from Yung and showed his heart to Hyo, his son with Eungo when Eungo was deeply involved in politics to make loyal subjects starve to death in prison and banish them. This demeanor of King Uija resulted which makes it natural to cite as one of the main causes of Baekje s fall, it is thus needed to reconsider the exaggerated glamorization of the king. Some glamorized the achievements of Buyeoyung, who took the lead in the dummy government, Woongjin Dodokbu, as an independence movement. The concerned local government jumped on the bandwagon and created an empty tomb for Buyeoyung as well as King Uija. If they feel it is not enough to serve the king alone, it will be rather right to serve Buyeopung, the king of the forces to promote the revival of Baekje instead of Buyeoyung.

“해동증민” 의자왕의 즉위 전 위상 재검토 -생모 문제와 태자책봉 문제를 중심으로-

윤진석 ( Jin Seok Youn ) 대구사학회 2015 대구사학 Vol.120 No.-

It was found that King Mu of Baekje had wives more than 2 persons including princess Seonhwa appeared from 『The Heritage of the Three States』and queen Satak appeared from <Sarira casket>. However, King Euija`s biological mother was neither princess Seonhwa nor queen Satak, and she was the third woman whose real name was not known. King Euija was born before King Mu came to the throne, and it was regarded as the family of King Euija`s biological mother did not build a reputation because King Mu lived in dire poverty before he came to the throne as much as he earned a living by selling Chinese yam. King Euija`s maternal defects as the above led him to meet with a great difficulty in his enthronement. In order for King Mu to designate Euija as his successor, King Mu made Euija marry many women and let him take charge of domestic affairs and diplomacy by designating him as crown prince. But, queen Sataek who was King Mu`s legal wife did not trust King Mu`s such behaviors, and she indicated political stance by expressing “All people should be cared” in her name from <Sarira casket>. Accordingly, Euija had maintained the attitude of ‘Sa-chin-i-hyo(Treat one`s parents with respect and devotion)’ until he came to the throne.

신라 至都盧葛文王의 ‘攝政’

윤진석(Youn Jin-seok) 한국고대사학회 2009 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.55

〈냉수리비〉의 발견 이후 지증왕의 집권과정에 대한 수많은 검토가 있었다. 그 결과 500년 11월에 지도로가 자신이 즉위할 목적으로 정변 등의 수단을 동원하여 소지왕을 몰아내고 집권하였으나, 비상적인 집권이라는 한계 때문에 눌지왕계 등의 저지를 받아 정식으로 즉위하기까지는 3년의 시간이 소요되었다는 견해가 많은 동의를 얻게 되었다. 그러나 사료상 눌지왕계로 지칭할 만한 인물이 보이지 않고, 지도로가 당시 64세라는 점은 이 집권이 당초 즉위를 예정하지 않았다는 것을 시사한다. 지도로의 조부는 눌지왕의 아우인 복호, 즉 파호갈문왕으로 비정할 수 있으며, 더불어 ‘사탁부 갈문왕’은 복호가 눌지왕으로부터 사탁부를 사여받고 갈문왕으로 책봉된 것에서 비롯되어 습보를 거쳐 지도로에게 세습되었을 것으로 추정된다. 〈냉수리비〉의 발견 이후 갈문왕에게 왕위계승권이 있다는 견해가 제기되었다. 그러나 여타의 왕들과는 달리 지도로는 집권 후 3년 뒤에야 즉위했다는 점에서 ‘사탁부 갈문왕’은 원칙상 ‘탁부 마립간’이 될 자격이 없었다는 추론이 가능하다. 이렇게 보면, 503년 10월 지도로의 집권은 국왕의 유고로 인해 마땅한 왕위계승자를 정하기 어려운 비상상황에서 국정을 대행할 이로 추대되어 집권하였을 가능성이 높으며, 소지왕은 제3자에 의해 갑작스럽게 돌아갔거나, 실정으로 인하여 폐위되었을 가능성이 높다. 지도로가 3년 동안 갈문왕으로서 국정운영을 주도한 것에 대해 종래 ‘공위시대’, ‘대행체제’ 등의 표현이 있었다. 그러나 이 표현들은 당시에 쓰던 용어가 아니라는 점에서 이를 무엇이라 불러야 할지 논의될 필요가 있다. 이에 대해 글쓴이는 진덕왕이 돌아간 후 시도되었다가 좌절된 ‘상대등 중심의 攝政’에 주목하였다. 이러한 정치운영방식은 소지왕이 돌아간 후 갈문왕인 지도로가 국정운영을 주도한 것과 동일한 것으로 볼 수 있는 바, 글쓴이는 〈냉수리비〉에 나타난 갈문왕 중심의 정치운영 및 지도로갈문왕의 지위를 ‘섭정’이라 부를 것을 제안한다. Since the discovery of 〈Naengsuri-bi(冷水里碑-Naengsuri's Fundamental Monument)〉, there had been numerous examinations about the process of coming into power in King Jijeung. As a result, with the aim that Jidoro himself ascends the throne in November of the year in 500, he mobilized a means such as a politicalchange, and grasped political power by expelling King Soji. However, The opinion came to be much agreed, about which 3 years were taken up to formally ascending the throne through being supported by King Nulji due to limitation called the emergent coming into power. However, in light of historical records, a point that there is not seen a figure enough to be designated as King Nulji's camp and that Jidoro is 64 years old at that time implies that this coming into power didn't aim to ascend the throne in the beginning. Jidoro’s grandfather is deduced as King Nulji’s brother Bokho who later became Paho Galmunwang. It is presumable that 'Satakbu Galmunwang(沙喙部葛文王)' originated from when King Nulji personally gave Satakbu to Bokho and proclaimed him as Galmunwang. It had later been transmitted from Seupbo Galmunwang to Jidoro. Since the discovery of 〈Naengsuri-bi〉, the opinion had been raised about which there is the right to the throne in Galmunwang. However, unlike other kings, in a point itself that 3 years had been taken until Jidoro ascended the throne since grasping political power, the inference is available that 'Satakbu Galmunwang' had no qualification in principle of being likely to become 'Takbu Maripgan(喙部麻立干).' Jidoro’s ascension which occurred in October of the year of 503 was developed under a state of national emergency. King Soji was likely to be suddenly killed by a third party or dethroned due to maladministration cases.Because of the King’s sudden death, it was difficult to choose a proper successor to the throne. Jidoro was selected as an acting king under the circumstances. Regarding that Jidoro had operated the national administration as Galmunwang for 3 years, there had been conventional expressions such as ‘Interregnum(空位時代)’ and ‘acting system.’However, in a sense that these expressions are not terminology, which had been used at that time, there is necessity of being discussed about what this will be called. In terms of this, the writer paid attention to Seopjeong(攝政-regent) centering on Sangdaedeung(上大等),' which was attempted and then frustrated after King Jindeok passed away. This politically-operating form can be seen to be the same as what Jidoro, who is Galmunwang, took the initiative of executing the national administration, after King Soji were dead. Accordingly, the writer suggests that it is called Seopjeong(攝政-regent) as the political operation centering on Galmunwang and the position of Jidoro Galmunwang, which were shown in 〈Naengsuri-bi〉.

백제멸망기 ‘태자’ 문제의 재검토 - 관련사료 분석과 기존견해 비판을 중심으로 -

윤진석 ( Youn Jin-seok ) 부경역사연구소 2011 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.29

This study focused on reexamining the historical materials about the “Crown Prince” during the reign of King Uija of Baekje and the previous research trends and thus identifying what could be the basic premise of future research and what should be reconsidered. The Crown Prince issue has long been the subject of research with the clash of different and complex historical materials. So far a wide range of views have been proposed, which can be divided into ① the theory that Hyo was the Crown Prince, ② the theory that Yung was the Crown Prince, ③ the theory that Yung was replaced by Hyo, ④ the theory that Hyo was replaced with Yung, and ⑤ the theory that there were multiple Crown Princes. All the theories have their own limitations. The study first reviewed the grounds of the related historical materials, identified the ones that were transmitted independently and those that were part of later genealogical records by comparing the content and sentences, and sorted out the basic points. Then the investigator examined the two theories that were recently addressed actively in terms of validity. Based on the review findings, the investigator offered comments on the political situation right before the collapse of Baekje and the causes of the clashing historical materials. The study claims its significance in that it proposed points that received no attention before. In future, corrective efforts will hopefully be made for the study.

신라 部體制의 특징

윤진석(Youn, Jin-seok) 호서사학회 2016 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.77

<중성리비> · <냉수리비> · <봉평리비>에 보이는 탁부·사탁부 중심의 정치운영 양상에 대해, 종래에는 5세기경 탁부 왕실이 집권력을 강화하여 사탁부를 통합한 때문으로 해석했다. 그러나 매금왕·갈문왕 병존과 탁부·사탁부 중심 정치운영은 신라 부체제의 특징이며, 두 部의 통합은 6세기 초반 사탁부 至都盧 葛文王의 비상적인 집권과 즉위 이후 부체제 해체 또는 사탁부 중심의 부체제 재편 과정에서 비롯된 것이었다. 즉 <냉수리비>와 <봉평리비> 건립기 사이에 부체제 변동이 일어났던 것이다. 한편 <중성리비>에서는 王이 등장하지 않고 탁부 阿干支와 사탁부 아간지가 함께 下敎한 특징이 있는데, 본고에서는 두 아간지를 탁부와 사탁부의 相적 존재로 이해했다. 신라 부체제에서는 모든 부에 1인의 部長이 있었던 것이 아니라 복수의 干支가 공존하는 경우도 있었다. 매금왕의 諸部 지배방식도 부장을 통한 수직적 납공관계였던 것이 아니라 諸干支들이 매금왕과 개별적 납공 관계였던 것으로 여겨진다. 다만 사탁부는 갈문왕이 독자적으로 지배했던 것으로 여겨진다. 읍락지배방식은, 국왕은 道使 등의 대리인을 파견하여 직할지를 ‘직접지배’하고, 간지들은 예하 관료를 거느리고 別主하면서 생산물의 일부를 국왕에게 납공하는 형식이었던 것으로 여겨진다. 지방통치방식은 비교적 늦은 시기까지 금동관 賜與와 납공을 통한 공납제적 지배가 일부 유지된 것이 확인된다. The old explanations interpreted the patterns of political operation in “Jungseongribi,” “Naengsuribi,” and “Bongpyeongribi” with a focus on Takbu and Satakbu as the results of the royal family of Takbu reinforcing its strength to seize power and integrating Satakbu in the 5th century. The coexistence of King Maegeum and King Galmun and the Takbu and Satakbu-centric political operation were characteristics of Bu system in Shilla. The integration of the two Bus happened in the abnormal process of King Jidoro Galmun of Satakbu seizing power in the early 6th century and in the breakup process of Bu system or Satakbu-centric reorganization process of Bu system after he came to throne. That is, there were changes to the Bu system between the establishment of “Naengsuribi” and “Bongpyeongribi.” In “Jungseongribi,” both the Aganji of Takbu and that of Satakbu made an order together with no appearance of king. The present study understood the two Aganjis as Guksang of Takbu and Satakbu. In the Bu system of Shilla, not all Bus had a single head. There were cases in which there were multiple Ganjis. The Jebu ruling method of King Maegeum was not a vertical tributary relation through heads of Bus but an individual tributary relation between the king and individual Jeganjis. Satakbu is estimated to have been under the sole ruling of King Galmun. As for the ruling method of towns and villages, kings “directly ruled” the local districts by dispatching their agents such as Dosas, whereas Ganjis played the roles of masters with officials working for them and paid tributes of some products to the kings. As for the method of local governance, “indirect ruling” through gilded copper crowns as imperial gifts or tributes was maintained in some areas until relatively later periods.

신라 중고기(中古期)의 왕위계승과 `섭정(攝政)`

윤진석 ( Youn Jin Seok ) 대구사학회 2017 대구사학 Vol.126 No.-

After King Jijeung seized power, Silla made rapid development by arranging its systems and expanding its territory through its middle ancient period. All the kings during the period except for King Beopheung, however, had a vulnerable background of coming to throne such as a son of collateral family, child, second son, and woman. As a result, each of them had a regent that was the queen mother or minister in their early days in the throne from King Jinheung to Queen Seondeok. Their regency was the result of compromise over a clash between the king`s determination to reinforce his power and the nobility`s reactionary will. It escalated into a full-fledged rebellion at the end of Queen Seondeok`s reign as they failed to reach a compromise. The rebellion ended in the victory of royal army, but the nobility made an attempt at Regent of non the throne, which was implemented 150 years before when King Jijeung ascended the throne, after King Jindeok passed away with no son to succeed him. Alcheon, who was chosen for the regency, turned down the offer, and Kim Chun-chu came to throne, which finally ended the middle ancient period of Silla. (Keymung University / hpjk5346@hanmail.net)

개선된 적응형 콘트라스트 알고리즘 설계

최인석 ( In-seok Choi ),윤진석 ( Jin-suk Youn ),조화현 ( Hwa-hyun Cho ),최명렬 ( Myung-ryul Choi ) 한국정보처리학회 2004 한국정보처리학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.11 No.1

본 논문은 입력영상의 화질 향상을 위하여 기존의 스트레칭 알고리즘을 이용하여 개선된 콘트라스트 알고리즘을 제안하였다. 입력영상의 픽셀(pixel)을 DR(Difference Range)의 범위에 따라 정해진 가중치를 적용하여 새로운 픽셀을 출력한다. 특별한 사용자 정의(User Define)없이 실시간적으로 화질을 개선할 수 있는 장점이 있다. 또한, 하드웨어 적인 측면에서 곱셈 과 나눗셈 연산을 배럴쉬프트(Barrel Shift)를 이용하여 하드웨어 복잡도를 감소 시켰다. 제안한 방식의 알고리즘의 검증을 위하여 C를 이용한 시각적 검증과 하드웨어 측면에서의 검증을 VHDL을 이용한 컴퓨터 시뮬레이션을 통해 확인하였다.